Gender and Culture Influences on Attitudes towards National Park Punta Izopo, Honduras: An Assessment For Participatory Conservation and Management
By Kristen Conway

Index | Chapter 1 | Chapter 2 | Chapter 3 |

Chapter 4 | Chapter 5 | Appendix | Literature Cited

Chapter One: Introduction - Tropical Ecosystem Conservation

The Global Context

Researchers estimate that tropical forests cover between six percent (The Ecologist 1987) and seven percent (Wilson 1988) of the world's surface and contain at least one-half the world's total plant and animal species (The Ecologist 1987 and Wilson 1988). This diversity offers potential to create medicines, supply food and fuel economic development. The genetic resources contained in tropical forests are important for maintaining all life and the need to conserve biodiversity for humans and non-humans alike is widely acknowledged today. Tropical forests are frequently targeted for conservation because of their characteristically high concentrations of diversity.

In a world of six billion people, it is impossible to ignore the human component in tropical forest conservation. Some studies indicate that world forests directly or indirectly supply food to an estimated 200-300 million people annually (Pimental et al. 1997, Arnold 1994, FAO 1978, 1989). We rely on only eight crops to supply 75% of our food (The Ecologist 1987: p29). In light of these factors, it is imperative that we find more effective ways of protecting the world's biodiversity. Effective human participation is critical to achieving this goal.

Social Ramifications of Deforestation

Much of the research done on tropical forests and their biological wealth is conducted by scientists from the North (Pimental et al. 1997, Meefe and Carroll 1994, Wilson 1988) who pass on data and policy recommendations to developers and managers, also mainly from the North. These researchers presumably enjoy lifestyles significantly more secure than do many of the people who live in tropical forests. Because most tropical forests are located in developing countries, these nations' demographic realities therefore bear strongly on tropical forests and their conservation.

About 62% of developing countries' total populations live in rural regions and directly obtain most of their food from the local environment (FAO 1992, Pimentel et al.. 1997). On a local scale, forest health [or sickness] directly affects communities' water supply, food security, employment and health (Pimental et al.. 1997). Tropical forests are important to multitudes of people and their conservation directly affects the livelihood of huge numbers of citizens.

The interaction of multiple systems - ecological, political and social - in the destruction and conservation of tropical forests mirrors the complex interactions that occur in forests themselves. Negative environmental effects from tropical biodiversity loss and efforts to curb this loss cannot rely on simplistic top-down approaches. Participatory protected area (PA) development and management is therefore an important strategy for conservation. On Honduras' north coast, the proposed National Park Punta Izopo (NPPI ) provides an opportunity to assess how to develop local residents participation in the proposed conservation area through an investigation of the components of behavior.

Honduras Context:

The "Banana Republic"

Oligarchy in the Central American context has been associated with economic elite, whose political power depends on their control of a country's economic resources. The resources are usually agro-export crops, like bananas and coffee. Honduras' physical and social contexts combine to set it apart from its contiguous neighbors.

Honduras does not share the rich volcanic soils of Nicaragua and El Salvador nor the large indigenous population Guatemala, which have typically been exploited by oligarchic powers. Honduras also had poor infrastructural development well into the 19th century. These physical characteristics combined to prevent the founding of a stark class dynamism in Honduras similar to that of its neighboring Central American nations (Euraque 1996, Faber 1993, Barry and Norsworthy 1990). In fact, the country as a whole is poor, as multiple measures attest (UNDP 1997, Alvarado 1989, Rudolph 1984). A common Honduran joke quoted by author Medea Benjamin states that "their country is so poor it can't even afford an oligarchy" (Alvarado 1989: xvi).

According to the UNDP's 1997 human development index (HDI), Honduras is fourth poorest among the six Central American nations. The HDI considers the multidimensionality of human development by measuring three basic dimensions of achievement - longevity, knowledge and standard of living. This measurement is based on three variables--life expectancy; educational attainment; and real GDP per capita (UNDP 1997). Combining these three factors, the United Nations ranks Honduras 116 in the global context while Guatemala is 117 and Nicaragua is 127 (UNDP 1997: 54-55). The remaining Central American nations are classified as follows--Costa Rica 33, Panama 45, Belize 63, and El Salvador 112 (UNDP 1997: 53-54).

Additional figures that indicate the level of poverty in Honduras include the percentages of rural and urban inhabitants who live in poverty. According to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC 1994), in Honduras 62% of the population lives in poverty. This statistic is further broken down into 32% and 77% of urban and rural inhabitants, respectively, experiencing poverty (ECLAC 1994).

The Gini coefficient, another indicator of economic well-being, quantifies equality. Gini coefficient values lie between zero and one, with perfect inequality represented by one and perfect equality represented by zero. In Honduras, the Gini coefficient for income distribution is currently 0.59 (World Bank 1997). For land distribution it is 0.73 (UNDP 1997). These coefficients indicate unequal income distribution and even greater disparity in land distribution in the country.

Land disparity in Honduras only grew more severe with the agrarian reform laws of 1965, 1972 and 1975, which did little to redistribute land. Even the more radical reforms of 1972 and 1975 achieved redistribution rates that meant little to landless peasants. A 1980 study by the Honduran Institute of Rural Development indicated that the rate of land distribution resulting from the 1975 reform was so slow it would be 103 years before its five year goal was reached (IHDR 1980).

Additional factors contributing to inequality in the country were U.S. military aid and the economic crisis of the 1980's. In attempts to bolster its presence in the region during the unrest in Nicaragua and El Salvador, the U.S. increased its military aid to Honduras six times between 1980 and 1986. Not all of this money went into military activities, there was some leakage, which furthered gaps between economic classes in the country (Barry and Norsworthy 1990 and Alvarado 1989).

The crisis of the 1980's, the lost decade, began with oil price increases in 1979. This event had impacts on all Central American nations' socioeconomic situations and created hotbeds of violence in El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua (Torres-Rivas 1994). Falling prices for most of Honduras' export goods, including bananas, sugar, coffee and cotton, made it difficult for the nation to meet its external debt payments and resulted in significant decreases in real wages for a majority of the population (Torres-Rivas 1994, Barry and Norsworthy 1990). Since the majority of government spending in Honduras during this period went to the military instead of into social spending, frustration was a widespread phenomena. However, unlike in the surrounding nations, this sentiment did not erupt into violence in Honduras. Earlier mentioned physical characteristics had thwarted the development of a strong elite class in Honduras.

One impact of the insubstantial development of national oligarchic powers was creation of room for large amounts of foreign investment in and control of Honduras' resources. The banana industry is the prime example of such foreign investment and control. From the mid-1880's, bananas earned at least one quarter of total export earnings, topping silver, the next most lucrative export (Euraque 1996). By the late 1920's, bananas earned more than 60% of total exports. This foreign investment in the banana industry did afford power to non-nationals. Although the banana companies, which employed ten to 15 times more workers than the mining industry (Euraque 1996), had the greatest economic influence in the country in the early 20th century, they did not succeed in building a national oligarchy. Unfortunately, the country bypassed huge revenues as a result of concessions and exemptions handed out to banana (and mining) interests. A 1937 study of government revenues indicated that during the eight year period from 1927 to1935 the government collected an annual average of $5.5 million, in revenues, surpassed by an annual average of eight million dollars granted as exemptions (Rovelo 1937 in Euraque 1996: 9). This prevented Honduras from devoting financial resources to infrastructure or socioeconomic development. Essentially, it played a large part in keeping the country poor. Perhaps as a result of poor infrastructural development, to this day mining revenues are extremely low, 33.1 thousand dollars in 1996, although potential exists for profits estimated at over five million dollars (La Prensa b 1997).

Precedent for social organization stemming from injustice was set in 1954 with the strike against the United Fruit Company. During this strike 35,000 workers left the plantations and docks, leaving the government no choice but to recognize unions, collective bargaining and the right to strike (Barry and Norsworthy 1990 and Alvarado 1989). This reaction seems to have thwarted some tendencies to violence.

Further, the occupation of large tracts of land in sparsely populated areas of the country by banana companies meant that many campesinos had access to land in the first half of the 20th century. Positively, this contributed to less extreme levels of disparity between the wealthy and poor. However, over the past half century, the population has grown, creating a more acute need for land. In addition, aid has been spent frivolously, contributing to growing inequality. These factors threaten the relative peace of the country.

A socially beneficial impact of the banana industry in the north was infrastructural development. Of the bananas exported from Honduras, approximately half came from La Lima in the Valley of Sula, just south of Tela and the site of NPPI (Figure 1.1). Tela was a major port for export so the railroad system between San Pedro Sula and Tela was well developed. This contributed to the infrastructural development of the area and employment opportunities for local residents (Gonzalez 1979).

In summary, physical characteristics, more widespread poverty among the population and some concessions earned by the people from their government via peaceful means, have all contributed to Honduras' relatively peaceful state. These characteristics combine to create a country characterized by high levels of widespread poverty but with some successful social organization for reform. This has implications for efforts to achieve participatory development and conservation of NPPI. Simultaneously, the high poverty and increasing environmental destruction relative to other Mesoamerican nations, which become more apparent daily (Stonich and Dewalt 1996, Stonich 1993, Norsworthy and Barry 1993 and Alvarado 1989) make conservation ever more critical in Honduras.

The Social Landscape

The previously mentioned HDI and Gini coefficient figures translate to income shortages and crises on a daily basis for thousands of people in Honduras. Their desperation drives destructive practices such as farming steep hillsides with little or no fallow period and the use of small diameter gill nets (less than two inches) at river mouths to catch younger fish. Since 57% of Honduras' population lives in rural areas (UNDP 1997) most of these peoples' lives are closely tied to the nation's natural resource base, including its remaining tropical forests, which constitute 54% of its land area (CIA 1997). The long-term impacts of conservation of Honduras' tropical forests may benefit large numbers of people. However, it is unlikely that there will be successful conservation of any forests in the country if the people are not given a voice when it comes to the actual process of creating management and conservation plans. The same holds true for its marine resources.

Honduras' Protected Areas System

Honduras is at a point of critical decision-making regarding its conservation future as it moves forward in the development of a national park system. The north coast of Honduras specifically is undergoing changes in its economic base that will have impacts on the establishment and functioning of NPPI. A contract signed in May for a 1,700 room hotel complex in the Bay of Tela (La Prensa a 1997) will undoubtedly have tremendous impacts on NPPI in a few years These changes in the shape and form of the traditional economy are accompanied by the planning and implementation of Honduras' PA system, with a view towards promoting ecotourism as a growth sector.

Honduras was the last country in Mesoamerica to form a national park system, beginning in 1979 with Park La Tigra. There are some advantages to this timing. General support and awareness of environmental issues were more widely addressed in the region by this time and other countries' experiences can be helpful to the newcomer. This consciousness probably contributed to the willingness of the Honduran government to propose putting six percent of national territory into PAs (Barry and Norsworthy 1990). As of May 1993, there were 104 PAs of various categories in Honduras (Griffin and Matute 1993). With Decreto 87/87, published in August 1987, the Honduran government created 37 PAs, including biological reserves, wildlife refuges and national parks (Aguirre et al.. 1989). Another advantage of the late timing of the Honduran protected area system is that peasant associations in the country have also experienced growing environmental awareness. Some now insist on consideration of environmental protection in addition to the other issues for which they demand recognition.

The Honduran PA system is still in its infancy, however, and facing questions of administrative and organizational efficiency in spite of good intentions. A large part of the confusion about the administration of parks stems from the fact that multiple laws have been passed in the past two decades that divide the country's natural resource management and conservation responsibilities among multiple agencies. Each agency involved has somewhat different objectives, some of which are complementary, some of which are not.

One of the two main agencies involved in natural resource management and conservation is the Honduran Forestry Development Corporation (COHDEFOR). Created by Decreto 103 on January 10, 1974, COHDEFOR was part of General López Arrellano's reform program aimed at wresting control of Honduras' forest resources away from foreigners and a few local industries for the benefit of the nation as a whole (Barry and Norsworthy 1990). The goal of this semiautonomous agency is to manage and protect the country's forest resources (Aguirre et al.. 1989). The specific objectives include 1) optimization of forest resources; 2) protection, improvement and conservation of forest resources, and 3) generation of funds for state programs to accelerate the nation's economic and social development. An additional complication to the establishment of COHDEFOR is the fact that the legislation nationalized trees, but not the land on which they lie. This has implications for tenure rights and thus forest management and resulting social impacts.

Chapter Five of Decreto 103, the Social Forestry System, stipulates that campesinos should benefit from forest exploitation and participate in the care, protection and growth of forests. One initial limitation of COHDEFOR, from the conservation perspective, is agency domination by foresters. This has influenced management practices enforced by the agency, which focus on extractive practices. For example, of COHDEFOR's 12 projects receiving international assistance in 1993, only three had objectives that were primarily concerned with conservation. The remainder focused on forested areas as extractive opportunities or improvement with extraction in mind (COHDEFOR 1993).

Another limitation of COHDEFOR, has been its corruption and inefficiency. Its creation as a national source of income and environmental protection did not originally amount to more than a stated mission. Financial or environmental benefits were not realized by campesinos who were the intended beneficiaries. In fact, the state entity absorbed ten percent of the increase of the external debt burden between 1977 and 1985 (Barry and Norsworthy 1990). This financial burden, attributed to corruption and inefficiency, led the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to insist upon the privatization of COHDEFOR and its associated sawmills (Barry and Norsworthy 1990). The privatization may or may not stem the rate of environmental destruction in the country, since COHDEFOR has contributed $240 million to the nation's external debt (Barry and Norsworthy 1990) which significantly contributes to the country's financial hardships.

A second major entity in Honduras' PA system is the General Office of Renewable Natural Resources (RENARE), created on April 29, 1974 by Decreto 123. This agency is responsible for marine resources, tourism development, and creation of national parks, biosphere reserves, cultural sites, forest reserves and biological reserves. The specific objectives to meet these goals include 1) to guide the utilization and appropriate management of wildlife areas; 2) to plan and promote environmental conservation programs; 3) to promote environmental education and extension programs; 4) to administer laws for the use and protection of natural resources; and 5) to improve the protection for threatened and endangered species (Aguirre et al.. 1989).

In addition to COHDEFOR and RENARE, the Honduran Institute of Anthropology and History (IHAH) is responsible for the management and protection of cultural monuments in the country, such as Copan National Park, which are also considered PAs. Finally, the nongovernmental Honduran Association of Ecology (AHE), funded in large part by USAID, is mandated with reinforcing the management of PAs and helping in the creation of new PAs (Aguirre et al.. 1989).

At this point it is clear that there is overlap among the agencies created to protect Honduras' natural resources--COHDEFOR, RENARE, IHAH and AHE. Approval of the General Forestry Regulations with Agreement 634 on April 9, 1984 amplified the legal mechanisms for declaration of reserves but did not clearly state whose responsibility it was to manage these areas. Thus, confusion about the roles of COHDEFOR and RENARE was amplified.

In addition to the confusion regarding who is in charge of what aspect of PA administration and management, there are dynamics that affect the main agencies' abilities to carry out their mandates. Advantages offered by COHDEFOR include relatively more logistical and political support than that enjoyed by RENARE. A disadvantage of COHDEFOR, in addition to its traditionally inefficient and extractive-based mentality, is that its budget was cut by 50% between 1982 and 1988 (Aguirre et al.. 1989). Thus, the confusion about roles is augmented by administrative and economic factors that make placing one specific agency in control of PAs a difficult decision.

Punta Izopo On Honduras' North Coast

Proposed National Park Punta Izopo lies on the north coast of Honduras between the cities of San Pedro Sula and Tela in the Department of Atlántida. It is between 15 46' and 15 50' latitude north and 87 17' and 87 25' longitude west (Figure 1.2). The whole of NPPI consists of a nuclear area of 4,786 hectares with a buffer zone of 20,601 hectares. Most of the park lies at sea level, with the exception of the hills Sal Si Puedes and Izopo which have elevations of 118 and 108 meters above sea level, respectively (Larson 1997).

According to the Holdridge life zone classification NPPI is a zone of humid tropical forest (Cerrato et al.. 1994). An evaluation conducted by the Honduran Ecological Network for Sustainable Development (REHDES) determined that within NPPI lie the last remaining examples of broadleaf forest habitat type on the coastal part of the Leán, Hicaque and Plátano Valleys along the northern Honduras coast (Larson 1997, REHDES 1996). Forests in the remaining portion of NPPI, including the nuclear zone, have been significantly modified for extensive cultivation of African oil palm and cattle grazing potential (Larson 1997).

The hydrologic system of NPPI is made up of three major rivers. The largest catchment area, R'o Leán, extends 1,000 km2 and originates in the Texiguat Wildlife Refuge in the Cordillera del Nombre de Dios, which runs east to west from Trujillo to Atlántida (WCS et al. 1997). The R'o Leán catchment area consists of five sub-basins that include R'o Mezapa, R'o Texiguat, R'o Nueva Florida, R'o Santamaria and R'o del Arizona (Larson 1997). The smaller catchments in the area, R'o Hicaque and R'o Plátano, supply 80% of the water to the area (WCS et al. 1997). These catchments also originate in the Nombre de Dios mountain chain. From their origin in the Cordillera del Nombre de Dios, the rivers flow into the area of NPPI. Within NPPI, the rivers join an interconnected system of canals, lagoons and wetlands filled with dark waters due to high rates of decomposition of organic material in the inundated forests (WCS et al. 1997). The hydrologic system these rivers create is critical for the water supply of communities within and beyond the proposed PA.

The nuclear zone of NPPI represents a system of terrestrial, coastal and marine environments that maintain wetlands, including swamps and mangroves, rocky and sandy beaches, tropical humid forests, lagoon canals and sea with coral reef (Larson 1997). Wetlands within the area have been proposed as Ramsar Convention sites. Other ecosystem types in the area also have significant conservation value. The maintenance or restoration of these systems is vital for local residents' water supply and other basic needs and offer ecotourism potential.

In addition to the varied habitat types, NPPI offers impressive wildlife diversity. Some of the endangered wildlife and flora species found in and around NPPI are: manatee (Trichechus manatus), jaguar (Felis onca), tigrillo or ocelote (Felis pardalis), caiman (Caiman crocodilus), green iguana (Iguana iguana), capuchin monkey (Cebus capuchinus), howler monkey (Alouatta paliata), Central American agouti (Dasypracta punctata), paca (Agouti paca), tapir (Tapirus bairdii), peccary (Tayassu pecari), cedar (Cedrela mexicana), mahogany (Swietenia macrophylla) and laurel (Cordia alliadora) (Larson 1997, Emmons 1990, Aguirre et al. 1989). Additionally, approximately half the number of birds known to exist in Honduras, 36 species of amphibians and reptiles and 70 species of fish have been documented in NPPI (Larson 1997).

As if its biological attributes are not sufficient to justify conservation, the area surrounding NPPI offers infrastructure and cultural characteristics that augment the ecotourism potential and provide ethnotourism potential for the area. Production and export of banana and pineapple and large scale ranching have been the traditional base of Honduras' north coast regional economy. Today, Honduras is experiencing diversification of its agricultural sector and development of non-traditional exports. Tropical plant production and growing numbers of maquiladoras along the north coast are affecting cities like Tela, the nearest city to NPPI, through increased population and economic activity. The headquarters of various former banana plantations, Tela has a well-developed infrastructure that lends itself to the rapidly growing tourism potential (Jim Barborak, Wildlife Conservation Society, personal communication, April 1997). Tela's importance as a site for both agricultural production and nature-based tourism is furthered by it's proximity to the newly renovated San Pedro Sula International airport, access to an inter-city road network, and several commercial ports, including those at La Ceiba and Trujillo, further east along the coast. The International airport and ports contribute by

providing convenient entry and exit points for tourists and export products. A hotel complex planned in the Bay of Tela also likely means a significant amount of national and international tourist traffic in the area in the near future.

The presence of Garifuna communities in the buffer zone of NPPI provides an opportunity for ethnotourism. Currently a museum of Garifuna culture exists in Tela and two artisan shops in Triunfo de la Cruz. Several restaurants in Triunfo offer traditional cuisine. A number of hotels, most of which are constructed in some combination of traditional and modern architecture, offer interested tourists a chance to glimpse Garifuna lifestyle.

The economic and infrastructural development near NPPI offer positive potential for increased activity and conservation, however not without potential dangers. Increased economic activity may threaten the social and ecological well-being of residents and the area at the same time that it creates jobs and attracts more outsiders. Efforts to stem these potentially negative impacts should include giving priority to locals to fill newly created jobs and defining limits to the growth. One means of determining limits to growth is with social and environmental impact assessments. Actively involving local residents in these assessments is an additional means of empowering them through information, about the development process and its impacts on their lives (Casey-Lefkowitz 1997). The possibilities for negative impacts to occur make participatory development and management of NPPI more critical because the PA success serves the dual purpose of protecting biodiversity as well as the socioeconomic well-being of local residents.

The Problem Statement

One of the key links to development of a successful and equitable PA is integrating local residents in the establishment process (Johnston 1995, Slocum et al. 1995, Peluso 1994, Moser, 1993, Mosse, 1993, Stonich 1993, West and Brechin 1991, Clark 1990, Cernea 1988, Chambers 1983). Several authors (Bodmer et al. 1997, Warner 1997, Western and Wright 1994) argue that the participation of local residents in natural resource management projects is a key ingredient for achieving sustainable use goals. The development of a management plan for NPPI, declared a site of ecological importance by Presidential Agreement 1118-92 in June 1992, provides an opportunity to assess the potential for including local communities' needs and knowledge in the process of achieving legal national park status in Honduras' PA system.

Assessment of local resident attitudes is one point of departure for achieving this goal. Site-specific knowledge, obtained directly from local residents, can illuminate issues which may influence management and conservation. Such knowledge may contribute to development of a PA that effectively includes residents in conservation activities. Widespread and proven examples of such front-end acknowledgment or participatory development attest to the importance of integrating diverse interest groups in the development of PAs in the beginning of the process (Jacobson 1995, Ledec 1992, West and Brechin 1991, Machlis and Neumann n.d.). Some of these elements were considered in the case of NPPI. Recommendations were made for designing a management plan aimed at conserving the remaining forest, wetland and marine resources by actively involving local residents in the process.

A cautionary note is appropriate at this point. This is but a first step in incorporating the knowledge and needs of residents to produce participatory management. To achieve a truly participatory process, local residents must be actively involved in decision-making and management. One means of ensuring community involvement in a PA is through evaluation on a periodic basis.

Hypotheses

In the study of NPPI, gender and culture group are considered independent variables that will have impacts on attitude, expectations and knowledge about conservation, the components of behavior. An indication of potential behavior is one means of assessment for the likelihood of local resident involvement.

The first research hypothesis states that distinct socialization experiences and roles will cause differences in the attitudes of men and women towards conservation of natural resources in NPPI. The second research hypothesis states that cultural variations will cause differences between Garifuna and ladino groups towards the conservation of natural resources in NPPI. These hypotheses will be tested using a survey consisting of three separate instruments, one each to ascertain attitudes, expectations and knowledge, and a series of demographic questions.

Conclusion

The most recent source of influence on a Honduran ideology of dependence may be U.S. economic assistance. In the decade of the 1980s, Honduras ranked among the top ten worldwide recipients of U.S. economic assistance because of political and military goals. It is likely that this aid contributed to a sense of dependency since it did not provide assistance aimed at empowering Hondurans to tackle structural or socioeconomic root problems in their country.

To date, efforts have been focused on band-aid macroeconomic solutions aimed primarily at the private sector in Honduras. Tackling widespread root problems, such as unequal land distribution and basic education, health and income needs, has not been addressed. Furthermore, organizations supported by USAID-administered funds tend to be the more conservative and non-confrontational nongovernmental organizations whose goals are similar to those of the export-oriented and private sectors, not social programs. The more progressive organizations that emphasize community-based and structural solutions to the country's socioeconomic problems have been largely ignored by USAID funds (Barry and Norsworthy 1990). Breaking this pattern of dependency, both financial and practical, will require abandoning an ingrained mentality which began in the 19th century with the banana industry's power in the country.

Organizations involved in environmental issues will need to work hard to focus on getting at the root problems of environmental destruction, which affect large numbers of rural residents and are not necessarily direct conservation issues. Communities need to be supported in their efforts to organize. Cohesion is a vital foundation for the formation of alternative income generating strategies. It necessarily precedes the ability to effectively deal with more abstract and long-term goals such as forest and marine ecosystem conservation. Fortunately, remnants of social organization exist in Honduras, fostered by a national political environment which has generally been receptive to organization, with some exceptions.

Today there are opportunities to reverse the growing income inequality and lack of availability of basic amenities to the majority of the population. Conservation and management projects that actively seek out and involve local residents are potential means of breaking a pattern established nearly two centuries ago in Honduras. Assessing local residents' attitudes, expectations and knowledge of natural history is one means of working towards this end and achieving gains on a global scale.

Read Chapter Two.

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