Ethnic Tourism in Sierra Tarahumara/Planeta.com

Ethnic Tourism in the Sierra Tarahumara:
A Comparison of Two Raramuri Ejidos
by Amy Elizabeth Anderson

CHAPTER 2: HISTORY OF OUTSIDE INFLUENCE

The Raramuri are the largest indigenous group in Mexico who still retain much of their pre-Colombian lifestyle. However, this does not mean that the Raramuri culture is unchanged or that they have been unaffected by outside influence. Indeed, they dealt with outside interference and influence even before the European conquest of the New World. The way in which the Raramuri have adapted to these changes can be better understood by knowing the historical context from which they have developed.

Pre-Hispanic Era

The origin and cultural development of the Raramuri before the Spanish conquest is still unclear. Some believe that the indigenous groups of northern Mexico, such as the Raramuri, are somehow related to extinct cultures such as the Anasazi, Hohokam, or Mogollon (Haury 1976, Riley 1986, Wilcox 1986). Cultural and linguistic similarities as well as archeological records promote several theories on culture development of the various indigenous groups. One theory resulted from the excavation of the ancient trading center of Casas Grandes (Di Peso 1974). Traders, the pochteca, are believed to be significant agents in the transmission of culture and materials. The pochteca influence could help explain many of the cultural and linguistic similarities between the various indigenous groups in northwestern Mexico (Kelley 1966). As expressed in their material culture and beliefs, the Raramuri have probably engaged in cultural exchanges with the Pima-Papago group to the north, the Cora-Huichol-Tepecano group to the south, and the Sonoran-Sinaloan group to the west (Fried 1969).

Although the exact agents and trajectories of outside influence on the Raramuri before European contact is undetermined, the stability of many cultural traits from pre-conquest times has been studied (Bennett and Zingg 1935). The Raramuri have lived in widely scattered settlements growing their subsistence crops of corn, beans, and squash since long before the Spaniards came. Social, judicial, marital, and religion business is attended to during the occasional tesgôinadas, or corn beer parties. Tesgôinadas also are given after community participation in harvesting or other activities requiring more people. Other social activities include competitive running from which they derive their name, Raramuri or foot runner (Bennett and Zingg 1935). There is evidence to suggest that the Raramuri once lived in the fertile river valleys and foothills east of their present location (Pennington 1963). However, many also lived in the rugged mountain area where most are today.

Colonial Era

Spanish conquistadors landed on the eastern coast of Mexico in the early 1500s. After capturing the Aztec capital, they continued the military and spiritual conquest of their new empire which they named New Spain (González Rodriguez 1982). The Raramuri did not immediately feel the impact of the Spanish presence because they had continued their withdrawal into the rugged terrain of the Sierra Madres. A few explorers, traders, hunters, and soldiers journeyed through parts of the mountains leaving little behind except Old World diseases (Reff 1991).

Jesuits

In 1572, the Jesuits arrived in the New World as the last of four missionary orders to come from Europe. They were granted permission to go to the unclaimed areas of modern day Nayarit, Durango, Chihuahua, Sinaloa, Sonora, and Baja California (Merrill 1993:131, Roca 1979:19). A mission was soon established among the Raramuri's southern neighbor, the Odami (or Tepehuan). In 1607, a Jesuit from the Odami mission traveled northward and met with several Raramuri (Dunne 1948:15). Excited about the prospect of proselytizing to a large population such as the Raramuri, the Jesuits brought several Indians down to live in the Odami mission and soon they began making plans to establish missions in Raramuri land (Dunne 1948, Perez de Ribas 1944, Spicer 1962).

The 17th century was marked by cycles of mission expansion, epidemics, rebellions, and military intrusion. The Jesuits spread northward establishing mission centers, cabaceras, and outposts, visitas, on choice land and along stream courses, often in places where the Raramuri customarily gathered (Merrill 1993). The Jesuits, like all missionary orders in Mexico, were instructed to reduce (reduccion) or gather the Indians into pueblos in order to convert them and bring them into the mission economy (Dunne 1948, Polzer 1976). Ideally, the Jesuits hoped, the Raramuri would eventually be incorporated into colonial society equipped with a new religion, a new language, and new agricultural skills.

Jesuit efforts of reduccion with the Raramuri were largely unsuccessful because the Indians preferred their dispersed settlements (González Rodriguez 1969, Sheridan and Naylor 1979:3). However, the Raramuri, urged by the Jesuits, did use the mission area, or pueblo, as their meeting place (González Rodriguez 1987). Also, the Jesuits focused much of their efforts baptizing and educating the children who were easier to influence. Consequently, the Raramuri who grew up around the mission assisted the Jesuits in keeping the mission economy going (Dunne 1948, Merrill 1993:142).

As Raramuri contact with Spanish explorers increased, so did the incidence of Old World disease. Diseases such as smallpox, measles, and typhoid had already killed millions of people in Central Mexico but the Raramuri isolation had provided a modicum of protection until the 1600s (Reff 1987:89, 1991). During an epidemic, sick Indians would flock to the mission center seeking help from the Jesuits. Disease spread more rapidly through this proximity but the mission economy provided excess food for those too sick to tend their crops (Gerhard 1982:183, Merrill 1993, Reff 1987, Sheridan and Naylor 1979:46).

Although the Raramuri resisted living in pueblos, they did accept other Spanish introductions such as axes, hoes, livestock, and crops (Merrill 1993:141, Pennington 1963). These introductions supplemented, rather than replaced, indigenous crops and farming techniques as corn remained the primary food crop (González Rodriguez 1987). Irrigation agriculture and the metal ax were adopted by the Raramuri and new instruments like hide drums and violins became part of their musical repertoire (Pennington 1963). One of the most significant additions to the Raramuri culture was that of Catholicism. Many Christian elements and symbols became incorporated into the existing native religion resulting in a unique mixture of two belief systems (Bennett and Zingg 1935, Velasco Rivera 1983). Although a minority of Raramuri rejected Christianity (Kennedy 1978), most adopted Christian symbols and ideas that paralleled their own. For example, Raramuri worship of the sun, moon, and stars was renamed and oriented instead to God, Mary, and the saints. Many Raramuri enjoyed and adapted the festive Christmas and Easter pageants which were re-enactment's of biblical and Spanish history (Dunne 1948, Lumholtz 1902, Merrill 1988, 1993).

Mining, Ranching, and Settlement

Mountain rivers have been cutting deeply into the high plateaus of the Sierra Madres since long before any humans lived there and the resulting barrancas expose mineral deposits of copper, silver, and gold. The Spanish desire for mineral wealth pushed them into the Sierra Madre where they began to mine (Gerhard 1982:236-38,241, González Rodriguez 1982:34, West 1949:10-12). Concurrent with Jesuit expansion, miners often took advantage of the occasional success of reduccion by using the Raramuri as a cheap labor force (Dunne 1948, Merrill 1993, Pennington 1963, Spicer 1962). On the mountain borders, the fertile river-fed plains attracted settlement in the form of large ranches which engaged in farming and stock raising. These, too, needed cheap labor and many Raramuri were pressed into service. Slowly the ranches expanded up the valleys taking the best land along the stream courses and pushing the Raramuri further into the mountains (Neumann 1969:56, Sheridan and Naylor 1979:88). Road building to the mines and consequent settlement interrupted the travel patterns of the Raramuri who often had plots of land in both the lowlands and the highlands. Also, the Raramuri's seasonally untenanted land was often usurped by the bold Spanish and mestizo settlers (Garcia Olvera 1963). Jesuit training allowed for many Raramuri to find employment on these ranches but most of the Indians chose to retreat further and further into the canyons and less desirable plateau areas.

The Raramuri were not treated well generally. In addition to being pressured by the Jesuits to move into pueblos and support a mission economy, nearby mines and ranches took advantage of the Raramuri by forcing them to work with little or no wages (Sheridan and Naylor 1979:88-89, Spicer 1962:28-29, 31-32). The Jesuits wrote about the abuses against the Raramuri, describing the many Indians recruited away from the mission and not appropriately paid for their services (Dunne 1948, Neumann 1969). However, from the Raramuri point of view, the Jesuits themselves were part of the problem because they also exploited the Raramuri for their labor and their souls. The Raramuri reacted against all of these outside forces in several ways. Many practiced passive resistance, working slowly and grudgingly (Merrill 1993). Others chose to retreat into the rough mountains, but the military was often called in to bring the runaways back to the mines, ranches, and Jesuit mission centers (Dunne 1948). The final and only option for many was outright rebellion.

Rebellion

Raramuri rebellions occurred occasionally against Spanish settlers and miners, as well as the Jesuits all through the 1600s (Neumann 1969, Sheridan and Naylor 1979). The northern territory, dubbed Tarahumara Alta, was particularly marked with resistance, with the Jesuits eventually being forced to retreat in the 1630s (Dunne 1948, Spicer 1962:33). Several of these earlier rebellions were carried out by Raramuri who rejected Catholicism and the Jesuits' efforts (Merrill 1993). The Jesuits would not give up, however, and in 1673, they re-entered and established the cabaceras (mission centers) of Sisoguichic and Echoguita (later Bocoyna). Mission expansion, encroachment of Spanish stockraisers, and increased mining and settlement re-ignited Raramuri dissent.

Between 1690 and 1700, the last organized rebellions occurred. In contrast to earlier insurrections, these revolts were carried out by Raramuri within the system, i.e. working in the mission economy, who were tired of ill-treatment and abuses (Merrill 1993). The Raramuri attacked Spanish settlements, burned down mission pueblos, and killed two Jesuits (Dunne 1948). Both Sisoguichic and Echoguita were destroyed but this time the Jesuits did not withdraw. Soldiers came each time to quell the revolts and chased the rebellious Indians far into the mountains. They killed dozens of Raramuri and impaled at least sixty of their heads on stakes as warning to other fractious Indians (Neumann 1969).

After this demoralizing defeat, no more significant rebellions occurred against the Jesuits or the new settlers. With military help, many Raramuri were coerced to stay in the missions, and others were forced to work on the ranches and in the mines (Neumann 1969). The Jesuits rebuilt Sisoguichic and worked to expand their influence. As time wore on, insubordination changed to passive resignation as new generations of Raramuri grew up under the mission system (Dunne 1948, Spicer 1962:36).

Jesuit Expulsion

In 1767 the Jesuits were expelled from the New World by the King of Spain (Almada 1955:115, Dunne 1937,1948:230). They reluctantly gave up their missions and schools which soon fell into disrepair. Hundreds of Raramuri now were free from the Jesuits and their efforts at reduccion. Many who had settled in or near the pueblo mission centers withdrew to remote ranchos far from the Spanish and mestizo influence (Spicer 1962:37). Others chose to remain working on ranches, in mines, and former mission lands thus fulfilling the original Jesuit goals of incorporation in the wider society.

The Franciscans attempted to fill the gap left by the Jesuits but they did not share the same level of success (Pennington 1963:16). Although some attribute the Franciscan failure to their lack of language skills and cultural understanding (Polzer 1976:56), the Jesuits were often guilty of the same offense (Dunne 1948:204). There were simply fewer Franciscans to replace the many Jesuits. Therefore, it was difficult for these few Franciscans to visit the over one hundred missions left by the Jesuits. Through necessity, the new missionaries concentrated their efforts on only a few the missions. One of these strongholds was Sisoguichic and the nearby visitas such as Cusarare. At this visita, re-established in 1791, the Franciscans continued the baptizing and teaching for those Raramuri who did not retreat.

Post-Colonial Era

Many political changes occurred in the 19th century, most notably Mexico won independence in 1821 (Lister and Lister 1966:88). However, the change in governments did not help the Raramuri's problem with outsiders but rather passed laws making their situation worse. The 1825 Law of Colonization offered more remote land to settlers in efforts to bring economic development and settlement to the state (Spicer 1962:39). In 1856, the Mexican legislature passed laws forbidding communal land ownership by civil and ecclesiastical groups. This opened up even more land for settlement. Finally, in 1859, under President Benito Juárez, the Ley Reforma established separation of church and state. Consequently, the Franciscan missions were secularized, dissolving their order and nationalizing their property (Merrill 1988:37).

New silver, copper, and gold mines were opened and old ones re-opened. Stockraising expanded and timber extraction began. Mining boomed in the 1870s leading to an influx of settlers who used Raramuri for labor and increased cutting of timber for use in the mines. At this time, the Raramuri suffered great loss of land (Almada 1955:247, Champion 1962, Lartigue 1983). Some voluntarily retreated from arable plots to marginal land but others were forced to leave (Almada 1955:247, 359, González Rodriguez 1982:60). An unknown number gradually incorporated themselves into the mestizo culture and economy as they stayed to work in the mines, ranches, and in timber extraction activities (Pennington 1963).

By the 1890s, the Raramuri had been pushed west and south from their original fertile plains and foothills (Pennington 1963). Only west of Sisoguichic could the Raramuri be found in great numbers. Carl Lumholtz, an explorer and ethnologist, traveled and lived in many areas of the Sierra Madres during the 1890s. He noticed that southwest of Bocoyna the fertile farmland was occupied by many Raramuri in native dress, plowing with oxen. Lumholtz (1902:135) wrote that "the Indians here are very numerous and they are still struggling to resist the encroachments of the whites upon their land, though the ultimate result is in all cases the same."

Modern Era

In 1900, shortly after Lumholtz's visit, the Jesuits re-entered the Sierra Madres. They opened their old cabacera of Sisoguichic and gradually expanded into the mountains, rebuilding old missions and constructing new ones. They also built orphanages, hospitals, and clinics (Lister and Lister 1966:306-7, Ocampo 1966). The missionaries noticed how mestizo settlement had dramatically expanded into land formerly occupied by the Raramuri. Most of this expansion was along the roads and travel routes that led to the flourishing mines. The government encouraged this settlement as well as the growth of schools to educate and "civilize" the Indians (Spicer 1962:45).

The Mexican Revolution (1910-1920) changed the economic use as well as the ownership of the land in the Sierras. During this time period, the supply routes from the mines necessary to transport silver and gold out and food and supplies in, were cut (Shepherd 1938). In addition, the price of silver fell so soon the larger mine operations shut down (Champion 1955:562). The ejido system was re-established whereby land was given back to the people; in this case, the Raramuri gained legal rights to the land they occupied. Although parcels were held individually, the governance of land use and common land such as forest, were decided by the ejidatarios which included every male head of a family (Merrill 1988:27-28).

Creel, Cusarare, and Arareco

Mestizos, displaced from the mines, either left or settled in the area as small farmers or merchants (Merrill 1988). One place that provided opportunity was the planned community of Creel. Creel, southwest of Bocoyna and Sisoguichic was in the same area that Lumholtz had noted was still occupied by the Raramuri in the 1890s. Originally intended to be composed of 75% Raramuri and 25% mestizo, the town soon became dominated by mestizos as Raramuri moved, were pushed out, or acculturated and intermarried (Spicer 1962:41). Although, the Raramuri had lost the valley in which Creel was situated, they still occupied the surrounding hills and valleys . In 1930, the ancient Jesuit visita of Cusarare was designated an ejido followed shortly by the ejido of Arareco which occupied the land between Creel and Cusarare (Figure 2) (Lister and Lister 1966:308). Outside encroachment came to a temporary standstill as the Raramuri suddenly had a legal right to land.

Creel grew with the timber industry. Old mining routes were widened into roads, new roads were cut, and a rail line was extended from Chihuahua to Creel in 1940. Timber harvesting accelerated as Creel became the northern center of timber processing and transport (Lartigue 1983, Lister and Lister 1966:298). Ejidos often sold timber rights to concessionaires, other times ejido residents would start their own logging enterprise. Despite better access, the terrain impeded the establishment of a suitable infrastructure so the logging stayed relatively small-scale. Much of the harvesting was haphazard, and wood poaching common (Lartigue 1983). The region's economic growth was impeded by the impassable mountain barrier to the west. Few roads could negotiate the severe terrain and so logs and other commodities could rarely reach the west coast deep sea port at Topolobampo.

Construction began on the Chihuahua al Pacifico Railroad in the early 1900s but was impeded by the difficult terrain, the Mexican revolution, mismanagement, and lack of money (Lister and Lister 1966:314-316). By 1961, however, the rail line was completed. The Chihuahua al Pacifico linked the agriculturally rich coastal region in Sonora and Sinaloa across the rough landscape of the Sierras to Chihuahua City on the high plateau. Logs, construction materials, fruits and vegetables, and people could finally easily move across those forbidding mountains. The timber industry improved, new mines were opened, and mestizo settlement increased. Jobs were available for both mestizos and the Raramuri in lumber, mining, and other activities.

Tourism

The train ride became a tourist attraction. Now travelers can ascend from the flat coast of Sinaloa high up to the Chihuahua plateau in less than thirteen hours. The train from Los Mochis crosses the flat farmland watered by the eastern mountain streams and begins to ascend the steep vegetated cliffs high above the coastal plain. Winding around treacherous turns, and screeching through dark tunnels blasted through the rock, the train climbs up through the spectacular landscape, crossing the Continental Divide three times because of the loops and turns necessary in the gorge-filled mountains. Finally, high on a rolling plateau of oaks and pines, the train settles, skimming across the landscape and edging close to one of the precipitous gorges, the Barranca del Cobre or Copper Canyon. One hour further down the track, in a relatively muted landscape lies Creel with its mestizos, lumber mills, and now tourists.

The "Copper Canyon" train ride increased in popularity as it received more media attention in newspapers, magazines, and guide books. The Raramuri, popularly known to tourists as the Tarahumara, became a tourist attraction as well. Although many tourists simply take the train from Los Mochis to Chihuahua without stopping, others want to see more. One guide book suggests:

The train ride is gorgeous but may not be worth the trip unless you allow a few days to stop and explore. The cool mountain forest around Creel contain spectacular waterfalls, lakes, and mushroom-like rock formations. The region is also home to the Tarahumara indigenas, many of whom live in the local caves (Grossman 1992:234).

Although still a lumber town, Creel is attractive as a transportation hub and supplier of basic services. From here, tourists can venture further into the rough mountains. The mestizos of Creel were some of the first to provide services for the tourists. As the number of tourists increased, residents transformed their front rooms into stores and restaurants. Others began renting bedrooms and advertised their homes as guest houses. Those with vehicles provided transportation to the various sights ranging from waterfalls and barrancas to the traditional Raramuri.

Although the mestizos have monopolized the lodging and transportation aspects of tourism, the Raramuri of both ejidos found services to provide as well. Craft development and sale is the most significant economic opportunity in tourism for the Raramuri. Both women and men assist in providing a variety of baskets, pottery, drums, blankets, pine-bark dolls, wood carvings, violins, flutes, necklaces and belts. Some of these crafts are Raramuri household items such as pottery and blankets; others have been developed specifically for tourism such as dolls and wood carvings. These crafts are frequently sold to the stores in Creel, in the streets, at train stops, or from the Raramuri's doorsteps to the tourists who visit their land. Many Raramuri men sell their services as guides, often engaging in a cooperative relationship with a mestizo tour driver; the Raramuri guide will complete the "tour" by taking the visitors to the sight, such as the hot springs.

Much of the tourism is focused on visiting communities such as Arareco and Cusarare. The bulk of tourists arrive around Christmas and Easter when religious ceremonies are staged at Raramuri missions. The festivities, never intended for outside spectators, offer a theatrical display of the Raramuri culture and religion with some symbolic Catholic elements. It is during this time that the Raramuri brew mass quantities of their corn beer, tesgôino, and remain in a state of inebriation. The strange costumes worn during the ceremonies, the colorful Indians, and the unique celebration itself attract the majority of tourists every year.

Conclusion

For centuries, the Raramuri have been dealing with outside influences such as other indigenous groups, explorers, Jesuits, miners, soldiers, settlers, mestizos, and now tourists. As a result, there have been many changes in culture and economy. These influences persist today as the Raramuri must share the mountains with the large resident mestizo population and the growing timber and tourism industries. Yet, the Raramuri remain unique because they have retained much of their traditional culture and still speak their indigenous language. Ethnic tourism is one of the latest influences that serves as both an agent of change and as an incentive to maintain traditional Raramuri lifestyle. The next chapter explores four significant issues of ethnic tourism and continues this discussion of tradition and change.