Ethnic Tourism in Sierra Tarahumara/Planeta.com

Ethnic Tourism in the Sierra Tarahumara:
A Comparison of Two Raramuri Ejidos
by Amy Elizabeth Anderson

CHAPTER 5: CUSARARE

The ejido of Cusarare has an approach to tourism that capitalizes on craft development and promotes visitor experience linked to the natural environment. This chapter first explains why this method is a model for inside-initiated development. Then, Cusarare's approach is expanded upon and illustrated using the four main issues.

Background

Cusarare shares its northern border with the ejido of Arareco while its western, southern, and eastern margins meet other ejidos (Figure 5). The Gran Vision highway, which runs south from Creel and through Arareco, cuts through the ejido of Cusarare before it forks, both routes descending into the rough barranca country that dominates the regional landscape. One of Cusarare's distinctions is its mission church which was built by the Jesuits in the 17th century and recently restored. The mission, however, stands solitary as the Raramuri live in dispersed settlements.

Like Arareco, Cusarare is underdeveloped. Because it is not within walking distance of any concentrated mestizo population or town, the Raramuri residents have fewer opportunities to participate in the modern economy and, as a consequence, greatly rely on subsistence agriculture. Tourism, however, is an exception as it provides supplementary income through the sale of crafts. Another difference between Arareco and Cusarare is the presence of a hotel in the latter. However, because it provides few jobs and is relatively unsuccessful in attracting a large number of tourists, the hotel is not a key component in the current scheme of development. For this reason, discussion of the hotel is reserved for the concluding chapter.

Inside-Initiated Development

Cusarare does not have what most would call "a project." Instead, the ejido residents have an "approach" that is indigenous in nature, works within the confines of economic and natural resources of the ejido, and relies little (if at all) on outside ideas, funding, or other assistance. It does have objectives and goals that pertain to improving the life of ejido residents while maintaining the ejido's cultural and environmental integrity but it does not fit in a structured project format to allow it to be recognized as such. The strategy behind this approach is one invented and carried out by Cusarare's Raramuri residents.

Cusarare's approach consists of incorporating tourism into the traditional Raramuri culture and economy. This incorporation has been moderate because of its de-centralized nature and the lack of outside funding. The visible aspects of Cusarare's approach are a one dollar (U.S.) entry fee, marked trails, and handicraft displays. The evidence of an actual "project" is slight as changes (such as introduction of the entry fee) have been gradual and individual, rather than sudden and numerous. No written guidelines exist on how to approach tourism; instead the ejido residents first define and then accomplish one goal at a time.

Four Issues

Using the four issues addressed in Chapter 3, this section analyzes Cusarare's approach to tourism and continues the recent history of change in the ejido. Much of this discussion focuses on description and relationships. The internal nature of this approach is discussed, but like Arareco, the analysis is saved for Chapter 6.

Issue I - Economic Development

Economic development has been slow in Cusarare. There are few wage-earning opportunities and purchasing power is, therefore, nearly non-existent. However, tourism offers one of the most viable opportunities for economic development.

During the past three years two distinct income-producing activities have been established: the collection of entry fees and the sale of locally made handicrafts. The fee is only collected at the two main tourist sights: the mission and the waterfall. The money is saved until enough is amassed to do something substantial. For example, one of the first expenditures made with the entry money was to buy food for the ejido members whose crop failed in the uncommonly dry years of 1991 and 1992. Other expenditures, such as rebuilding the mission floor, are capital investments as they are directed into the tourist infrastructure. The limited income keeps plans small-scale and selective. In sum, the entrance fee is used by the ejido as a community and considered a community endeavor in both its collection and its spending.

Handicraft sales provide other money-making opportunity associated with tourism in Cusarare. Economic gain is small, but reaped directly by those who invest in crafts on an individual/family basis. Many of the crafts made in the ejido are ubiquitous throughout the Sierra, but Cusarare residents remain competitive by producing a greater number of these crafts with a larger variety of styles. One example is basketry. Cusarare is also acknowledged for producing crafts that are not found in other communities. Snakes made from the twisted branches of the Manzanita are an example of this. The combination of higher quantity and quality of handicrafts has made craft-selling a popular and viable form of livelihood.

The income from crafts has a more significant economic effect than the entry fee money because profits are concentrated in separate family units of the craft maker rather than spread throughout the community. Handicraft sales produce additional income which can be used to buy food if crops fail or to buy cloth and other necessities. Because most crafts require only materials readily accessible from the natural environment (such as pine needles or bark), there need not be any initial monetary investment in the craft trade. Therefore, the handicrafts are an additional wage-earning option for the Raramuri of Cusarare.

The deliberate incorporation of tourist-related activities as income need not necessary replace traditional means of livelihood but merely supplement it. Development in Cusarare, in the form of infrastructure and wage earning capacity, is still slow. The pace allows the Raramuri to engage in a combination of activities such as both subsistence agriculture and handicraft selling. By participating in tourism, even marginally, the Raramuri can better manage the cultural and economic changes that are brought with those tourists.

Issue II - Tourist Attractiveness

There is very little tourist information specifically about Cusarare. Instead, brochures talk about the Sierra Tarahumara as a whole and emphasize the Copper Canyon train ride and the "primitive" Indians that live in the canyons. Most tourists are not made aware of ejido systems, the different indigenous groups, or even of ethnic mixing and the realities of culture change. Visitors come to see people who have a traditional lifestyle and Cusarare satisfies many of their expectations.

Tourists visiting Cusarare get to interact with Raramuri people firsthand; this is especially true along the trail to the waterfall (Figure 6). Raramuri women and children position themselves along the picturesque two-mile trail. Children play as the women weave baskets, fit clothes on pine-bark dolls, and make woolen items on handmade looms. Tourists can look over the variety of handicrafts arranged along the trail-side and witness the process of craft production. The scene gives the tourist a sense of authenticity even though the trail has been marked and widened specifically for tourists and the Raramuri selling crafts along that trail would normally be at home.

Figure 6. Handicrafts in Cusarare. Tourist inspects crafts along trail to waterfall. Photo by P.D. Anderson.

The one dollar entry fee is sufficiently modest to be of little bother to tourists and does not detract them from purchasing handicrafts. In fact, many interviewed Raramuri say that since the fee was imposed, tourists have been treating the trail and the Raramuri with more respect. The very existence of the fee makes visitors aware of Raramuri land ownership and the economic necessity of supplying themselves with things that even the ethnic tourist does not begrudge the native- such as enough food. It is attractive for the tourist to support the Raramuri "self-determination," which is maintaining their traditional culture through tourism.

The Raramuri of Cusarare satisfy tourist expectations because they appear uninfluenced and their ejido is less developed. Development in Cusarare has taken an unobtrusive form. It does not draw the attention of the ethnic tourist. Even with the capitalistic and entrepreneurial craft industry, interviewed tourists said that they felt they were supporting a traditional culture by buying crafts. In a way, they are because the Raramuri of Cusarare have incentive to support themselves through craft-making. However, the amount of craft production and the many styles and new forms are a result of increased tourism. These were non-existent earlier and have little functional use. However, for the purposes of ethnic tourism, these contrived expressions of culture have only increased the attractiveness of Cusarare.

Issue III - Inter-ethnic Relations

Cusarare is close to Creel but at 20km is too far for most tourists to walk. Also, no public transportation system such as a shuttle or bus exists. One of the few ways to get to Cusarare, therefore, is by a tour, usually organized by a hotel.

The usual mestizo-run "tour" provides transportation to sites of cultural and scenic interest and usually cost between seven and thirteen dollars (U.S.) . A tour of Cusarare usually begins at the mission. The mission is locked so the Raramuri custodian is tipped either by the mestizo or the tourists for unlocking the door. This relationship was formalized with the implementation of the tourist approach. The mission custodian now sells entry tickets which permit access to the mission and the waterfall trail. All other sights are free.

The introduction of Cusarare's entry fee did not cause problems with mestizo relations. There are several reasons for this. First, the fee was forewarned. By word of mouth the tour drivers were made aware of the entry fee "idea" and therefore the mestizos could express their approval or dissent before the fee was imposed. Furthermore, the fee does not interfere with mestizo profits. Because of the locations of collection sites, only the tourists who specifically visit the waterfall or mission pay the fee. The less popular areas of the ejido are free of charge for tourists while the mestizo tour driver and local mestizos continue to pay nothing for all sights.

The implementation of an entry fee and the independent approach to tourism actually improved some aspects of the Raramuri-mestizo relationship. Formerly, the mestizos were repeatedly frustrated at the lack of Raramuri business sense. Besides allowing free access to ejido land, the Raramuri frequently sell their crafts at extremely low prices. For example, the Raramuri craft-sellers often sell all their crafts for the same price from easily-made wrist-bracelets to ornately woven baskets that take days to complete. In the last couple of years, the Raramuri have raised some of their craft prices. This has been received by the mestizos with both support and approval for they see the Raramuri taking their economic development in their own hands while still does not interfering with mestizo profits. In fact, mestizo and Raramuri ideology have come closer as both ethnic groups work together to profit from tourist trade.

Issue IV - Community Cohesiveness

Communities are cohesive because of a common cultural identity; one based on shared customs and beliefs. An ideal approach to development by means of tourism would maintain this cohesiveness and allow time for people to adjust to change. However, tourism does not function on an incremental continuum but rather speeds up and slows down in relation to a variety of external factors such as media exposure, international exchange rates, and political circumstances. Therefore, it is very difficult here for any particular tourist project or approach to control the rate and nature of change that accompanies tourism.

Cusarare's approach has not been successful in maintaining community cohesiveness in part due to the unequal benefits of tourism. Although there are many Raramuri in Cusarare who are physically removed far from tourism's effects, there are also a great a number who live near the roads, mission, and waterfall and cannot ignore it. Much of the change is slow, but not all ejido residents are capable or willing to adjust.

The most visible divisions in Cusarare are between the entrepreneurial Raramuri who welcome tourism and the traditional Raramuri who resent the intrusion and accompanying change in culture and economy. For the entrepreneurs, tourism has provided opportunities (primarily income from crafts) which has freed families and individuals from dependence on the precarious subsistence lifestyle. The limited economic development, increased relations with mestizo neighbors, and exposure to tourists holds promise for the future of sustainable ethnic tourism.

The traditionalists do not see tourism with the same optimism. These Raramuri, usually the older members of the community, see the changes over time as significant. One example of cultural change is the decreasing occurrence of communal assistance. The subsistence farmer occasionally needs the help of his neighbors to construct a granary or harvest a crop. In Raramuri tradition, this communal aid is followed by a tesgôinada, a beer party, which reaffirms and strengthens the cultural and communal ties in the area. Alternative income sources have reduced reliance on agriculture and consequently have broken down reciprocal community relationships. Even though Cusarare's approach emphasizes retention of traditional culture, the ejido is not free from the possible commoditization of culture and the commercialization of crafts. An "approach" to tourism may handle the present flow of visitors but it also gives Cusarare the status of a tourist destination which may lead to unwelcome future growth.

Conclusion

Cusarare's approach to tourism, in particular the recent inception of a fee, has avoided many of the negative consequences of Arareco's project. Economic development remains slow and the entrance fee helps the community while handicraft sales aid the individual families. Cusarare remains attractive to the tourist who wants to see these traditional folk behaving traditional. Inter-ethnic relations between the Raramuri and the mestizos have continued and maybe even have strengthened as the two groups work together to exploit the tourist. Community cohesiveness, however, is less than satisfactory in Cusarare. Major divisions occur between those who enjoy the profits of tourism and those who see all the negative components brought along with tourism, especially cultural change. The next chapter compares the approach to tourism in Cusarare with that of Arareco and illustrates the importance of inside-initiative versus outside-assistance.