Ecotourism Argentina/Planeta.com

Conservation and Ecotourism in Argentina:
The development of Bariloche and the formation of Nahuel Huapi National Park
by Arthur Oyola-Yemaiel

This paper explores the emergence of the ecotourism industry in the early 1930s. The main thesis is that ecotourism is a concept originated symbiotically with the creation of the national parks. This proposition points to the development of communities located in or near protected areas. It argues that their long-term development is fundamentally associated with the tourism industry particularly with ecotourism. It suggests that while the national parks provide for the safeguarding of nature, they also provide a base for the economic development of the local populations. In turn, the cities and towns nearby develop sound economic growth using local natural resources minimally, thus sustaining the preservation of nature.

Statement of the Problem

Some have thought that ecotourism is a concept that emerged with the environmental movement of recent decades. I propose a different formulation, placing the origin of ecotourism at the beginning of the conservation movement in the early years of the National Parks formation. This position holds that national parks are not only the most important institutional systems for conservation and preservation of natural habitats, but they also form an important base for human economic development. Conservation in these areas is supported by federal government allocations, local revenues from tolls, limited land use, and income from ecotourism.

In order to demonstrate these points, this paper describes the case of the Argentinean city of Bariloche in the foothills of the Andes. The paper shows that the settlement from the Indian wars through 1920 was consistently oriented toward heavy usage of natural resources. After 1934, development focused on a lighter usage of the forest resources while the tourism industry dominated the economy. This resulted in more appropriate use of the natural capital to sustain long term progress (Bustillo 1971).

Nahuel Huapi National Park and the city of Bariloche are enclosed in a beautiful natural area. The city itself is at the shores of lake Nahuel Huapi. It is located in an ecotone between the Valdivian Jungle and the steppes of Patagonia (Correa Luna 1974). With nature providing the basis for the economic development of the city, the city provided, in turn, protection of its natural capital. This is possible because the beauty and pristine surroundings of the natural areas under the National Park Service jurisdiction are a magnetic force that bring vacationers from other areas. There is a symbiotic relation between the preservation of the natural heritage and the economic development of the communities nearby. Ecotourism thus became the foremost economic activity practiced by this community adjacent to the largest national park in Argentina. The development of Bariloche and other similar localities is therefore dependent upon the conservation practices and sustainable management of aesthetic areas which serve to attract visitors to the natural beauty and the wildlife of the parks. Ecotourism, then, is as old as the national parks of Argentina, which date back to the early twentieth century.

Historical Background:
The Conquest of the Desert

Since the Spaniards first landed in America, European nations carried out numerous scientific and economic expeditions. A number of expeditions sought commercial routes to facilitate transworld shipping. Others went in search of precious metals and other valuable natural resources. Some of these activities were tuna fishing, whaling, and seal and penguin hunting (Agostini 1920; 1956).

In the eyes of hunters, fishermen, farmers, cattle ranchers, and industrialists, these untamed territories had endless economic potential. In many cases, exploitation was carried out with no consideration of the environmental consequences. Concern was limited only to the profitability of the operation (Martinic Berros 1973; Chasse-Dunn 1993; Onelli 1977).

The nature of development depends, in part, on the concepts of life and values of the first settlers (de Toqueville 1984). The philosophy, ideology, and economic model of these settlers led them to manipulate the forces of nature to their advantage. In this way the natural environment was changed by human presence.

The Environmental Proposition: National Parks and Tourism

Many environmentalists and naturalists saw in this expansion a drive toward the annihilation of species and the destruction of the global environment. In the late nineteenth century, Muir and Pinchot worked in the United States for changes in the usage of natural resources and for related preservation and conservation practices (Fox 1981). In Argentina, similar action took place under figures like Florentino Ameguino and Francisco P. Moreno (Cruz 1972). The need for alternative uses of pristine, natural habitats was voiced by many. For example, Hans Seckt wrote in 1923 "nature and culture are in most cases in opposition to one another" arguing for the need for national parks in Argentina as preservation management units. He saw that the advancement of society was driven by the intensive and indiscriminate use of the resources and urged for the implementation of protected areas for the enjoyment of all people.

During the first years of national park formation in Argentina the debate about preservation, conservation and the exploitation of natural resources was very intense. Exequiel Bustillo dedicated an entire chapter to debating the importance of conservation in his book El Despertar de Bariloche (1971). He questioned how the preservationists would manage the increasing number of visitors to the national park without changing its natural habitats (:363). He viewed preservation as an utopia which would give in to the pressures of development in the long term, by leaving rich areas unproductive.

He chose conservation as a doctrine, molding it to the principles of national heritage, and applying it to ensure a sustainable development of communities associated with national parks. Bustillo's model provided the basis for environmental protection, increased education, ensured health and allowed for a human-nature connection in protected federal lands. A follower of John Stuart Mill, he argued that the greatest good for the majority arises from the combined principles of national security, national identity, and economic development without environmental degradation. Together with the entrepreneur Aaron Anchorena and engineer Eduardo Frey, Bustillo dedicated ten years to developing the National Parks Service, believing it was the most appropriate government bureaucracy to create conditions for settlement in frontier areas under sustainable resource management. The National Park Service was then in charge of creating the conditions to facilitate population growth in frontier areas, while preserving the natural environment (Bustillo 1971:366-370).

A naturalist and anthropologist Francisco P. Moreno (1856-1915) argued along these same lines. In his writings he envisioned farms, settlements, and colonies along the banks of the Limay river and at the shores of Lake Nahuel Huapi (Moreno 1915). However, he strongly supported the preservation of pristine lands. He became the forefather of the National Park Service by donating to the state 7,500 ha for preservation (Monaglio 1984; Oyola-Yemaiel 1996).

By implementing a conservationist philosophy, these early environmentalists contributed in great degree to the reverse of exploitative management techniques applied by profiteers and entrepreneurs to newly acquired territories. Management of natural resources by means of increased tourism in beautiful pristine areas were the tools for sustainable development in frontier areas. Moreno, Bustillo, Ameguino and many others envisioned Patagonia developing and prospering using nature effectively and wisely.

Explorers and Settlers After the Indian Wars

The exploration of Patagonia goes back to the first Spaniard "Adelantados" such as Hernado de Magallanes in 1520 and Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa in 1584. These early expedition were aimed at the discovery of riches for the crowns of Europe. Gold and silver were the main sources of wealth, providing a return on their investment; pastures for cattle ranching were only secondary. Economic activities were centered in mining, extraction of spices, and hunting for furs and animal oils. Securing the routes of shipping these valuable commodities safely around the globe became a major concern. Thus, the expeditions of discovery were two-fold. One was discovery of riches and the other discovery of safer and shorter shipping routes.

Only after the wars of emancipation and the consolidation/formation of the nation-state in 1850, did the two most southern American nations venture into the remote lands of Patagonia. After this time, expeditions of discovery and settlements were carried out in a more consistent way. The Indian wars on the southern front led to the final settlement of Patagonia. Argentina wanted to survey these regions in search for mineral riches and fertile lands for agriculture and pastures. It was necessary to plot the geography and inventory the fauna and flora (Lista 1923; Correa Luna 1974; Pronsato 1969).

Chile and Argentina were emerging nations that required precise frontier limits so that conflict could be minimized. Therefore, many scientists, naturalists, and explorers participated in the expeditions from l870 until the late 1930's.

Many of the early settlers, scientists and missionaries also saw the need to preserve these lands for the joy and relaxation of future generations (Law 12,103/34; Moreno 1903). Francisco P. Moreno, Exequiel Bustillo, Emilio E. Frey and many others contributed to the formation of the National Park Service (NPS Memoria 1935-1948, Cruz 1972). These visionaries were a handful of people belonging to the elite of society who held the idea that portions of pristine lands should be preserved for posterity (Oyola-Yemaiel 1996).

Consequently, they believed in the principle of equilibrated development in which a balance must be maintained between the forces of industrialism and the conservation of the land (Law 12,103/34).

These concepts were put into practice by the wise usage of natural resources, allowing for restricted economic activities and for self sufficiency of the local communities while ensuring the safety of the natural resources. This is nothing less than the basic principle of sustainable development (Carley and Christie 1993).

The first National Park Service Board of Directors accomplished this vision by creating the appropriate conditions for visitors to enjoy and connect themselves with the natural environment. They used the facilities of industrialization, such as mass transportation, comfortable lodging and other amenities, to build a lasting industry. Tourism was envisioned as a source of political stability in the region because it would bring increasing permanent and seasonal internal migration. In so doing, the National Park Service and the local government obtained the needed revenues to sustain a permanent national enclave, while ensuring preservation of the natural environment (Bustillo 1971; APN Memoria 1937; Oyola-Yemaiel 1996).

The National Parks' policies for tourism in the almost uninhabited frontier areas, aimed to ensure national identity and security, local economic prosperity, and education and enjoyment for the people. This represented an early form of ecotourism. Thus, the concept of ecotourism was used by the initial creators of the National Park Service, the developers of Bariloche, and other settlements enclosed in protected areas.

The Origin of the Concept of Ecotourism

Ecotourism is not a new concept of the late twentieth century but a concept from the 1900's derived from utilitarian philosophies. The origin of tourism as the principal tool for the development of the Andean region of Patagonia is two-fold. On one hand, the economic boom after World War I led to the globalization of the economy, fast means of transportation, and the increasing capacity of the bourgeoisie to purchase recreation. On the other hand, the urgent need of the state to establish permanent settlements on the Argentinean side of the Andes was motivated by the competition between countries (Pronsato 1969; Cruz 1972).

Permanent residence of Argentinean citizens in Patagonia was jeopardized by many factors. The distance from the capital (Buenos Aires), proper communication and transportation systems, and a cold climate were just some of the obstacles to attracting tourists and permanent residents to the region. Ecotourism was the most efficient way to foster the flow of people with incomes to these otherwise uninhabited zones. It created a semi-permanent settlement of travelers and a permanent settlement of tourism workers and entrepreneurs.

Factors of Regional Instability:
Territorial Claims by Argentina and Chile

Many factors jeopardized the stability of the region. Principal among these was the rivalry between Chile and Argentina to obtain sovereignty over the region (Ygobone 1947). Since the early 1800's Chile had interests in the lands west of the Andes because of their better and larger pastures. Litigation concerning the frontier zone began in 1843 when Chilean forces seized the Argentine settlement "Bahia del Hambre" in the Straits of Magellan. The dispute was settled in 1856 when both nations agreed to keep the original colonial borders. The conflict persisted when Chile claimed its sovereignty south of the Rio Negro (Quintana, et al 1966). This time settlement came in 1881 when a treaty was signed and ratified by congresses of both nations. The treaty called for borders to be situated at the "highest peaks of the waters divide" (Quintana, et al 1966). An additional clarifying protocol signed May 1, 1893, assigning territory to nations at "each side of the highest peaks" was not sufficient to end the struggle. It took the work of a team of scientists, expeditionaries, and patriots on both sides of the Andes to certify the exact placement of the borders. On November 20, 1902, the arbitration by the English ratified the spirit of the treaty of 1881, finalizing over 60 years of territorial disputes (Ann 1951).

Population: Ethnicity and National Identity

Indian tribes raided the white settlements in the pampas and seized livestock which was transferred through the Cordillera to markets in Chile (Talbot 1974; Oyola-Yemaiel 1996). In the same way that the Siona-Secoyai, Wanana, and other Indian settlements were used to ratify claims on disputed territories during the Brazilian state formation, Tehuelche, Ranquel, Mapuche, and Araucano were registered as Chilean citizens for the same purpose (Chernela 1988; 1993:30). Later migrant workers of Chilean origin registered their siblings as Chileans in spite of their Argentine birth (Oyola-Yemaiel 1996; Bustillo 1971). Throughout the period of border dispute, Chile argued that Patagonia was populated by its citizens which would ratify its sovereign power over the lands south of the Colorado River and west of the Andes.

In response, Argentine President Julio A. Roca decreed on April 9, 1902, the creation of a colony along the margins of the Nahuel Huapi Lake. In separate legislation on May 3, he adjudicated land for two municipalities in Puerto Moreno and San Carlos. Other legislation requiring duties and customs procedures had the end result of diminishing commercial exchange with Chile. This restricted economic trade caused the region to stagnate during the 1920's and 1930s so that the population of San Carlos de Bariloche increased from only 1,000 to 2,000 inhabitants in the years from 1915 to 1930. This represents a net gain in population of 66 individuals per year (Berjman & Gutierrez 1988).

Bustillo and his colleagues created a influx of people to the southern frontiers that would draw further population into the region. Although ecotourism would not immediately create a stable local population, it would increase the total number of Argentinean citizens in transit to the area (Bustillo 1971; Berjman & Gutierrez 1985).

Internal Political Struggle

Another factor that increased instability in the region was the ever-changing struggle among opposing political factions in Buenos Aires. In 1912, the political arena was modified by a new electoral law that allowed universal suffrage to replace the existing restricted suffrage. This event revolutionized the parties and the electoral processes, distracting politicians from issues of national importance such as the development of rural and frontier areas to proselytism (Bustillo 1971).

Argentina's civil forces lacked government aid to help citizens settle permanently in the frontier regions. On this side of the border there was a total lack of fiscal resources and services. The basic infrastructure such as medical, police, sanitary and other services that permit minimum living standards were absent. Whether Chilean or Argentinean, it was easier for inhabitants to cross the cordillera to obtain the necessary products and services than to travel to the Atlantic coast at 400 km. or to Buenos Aires at 1,700 km. (Onelli 1971).

A nominal government without real authority left vast lands vacant to the mercy of fearful competition among farmers and cattle ranchers for the best pastures and to other settlers looking for rapid economic bonanza. The general population in the metropolis was neither informed nor had any interest in these far away and non-hospitable lands, leaving room for excesses and mismanagement of the ecosystem and eccentricities like the self-proclamation of "His Majesty Aurelio I, king of Patagonia and Araucania (Onelli 1977:103)."

Problems of the Great Extension and Communication

Latifundia, a land grant based on holdings, was the norm during 19th century Argentina. This tradition continued with the land acquisition of Patagonia. On one hand, the latifundia system was justifiable because ranching required large tracts of lands due to the arid soils. On the other hand, this feudal system was established because extensive ranching practices ensure greater economic returns on little investment (Oddone, J. 1975). A handful of people capitalized on the lack of interest on the part of the public sector and on the government administrative mishandling of public affairs (Nicholas 1994). A case of interest is that of the South-Land Co. Ltd., which had acquired 150 square leages in the foothills of the Andes during the 1880's-1890's. Land management was intensive; grazing was continued until the vegetation cover was exhausted, then herds were moved to other areas (Onelli 1977:51). Clear cutting of primary forest and burning for pastures were routinely practiced, disrupting the natural ecological equilibrium.

The area of Nahuel Huapi is 1,100 miles away from the capital city of Buenos Aires. It was distant from traditional routes of commerce, and had no means of economic production other than the exploitation of natural forest resources and extensive cattle ranching.

The company Chile-Argentina, owned by Karl Wiederhold and Fritz Hube of German origin, was the first lumber company in the area. This was also the first permanent settlement and constituted the base for future developments. They exported wood, wool, hides, and beef to Europe. The company ceased operations in 1919 due to diminishing economic returns caused by increasing commercial restrictions between both countries. These restrictions were caused, in part, by the incipient conservation movement, by border disputes, and by the new national policy of frontier settlements (Vapnarsky 1982).

The Solution

All of these difficulties had to be sorted out with great intelligence and determination and with a solid economic and political strategy. In Bustillo's words:

the arbitration was not sufficient to consolidate our national sovereignty over Patagonia. It had to be helped with something more than a juridic title. Set up roots, with the accumulation of capitals, population and all those elements needed to develop, to convert it in something totally Argentinean (1971).

The ideals of harmonious development and conservation were put to the test during the monumental task of the creation of Nahuel Huapi National Park and an the adjacent tourism center of San Carlos de Bariloche. Tourism proved to be the most powerful industrial tool, since the local and international population needed recreational sites and the nation needed peopling of the frontiers (Willis 1943; Bustillo 1972). Thus, the concept of ecotourism was born by uniting the peoples' needs for recreation with those of security of the state, nationalism and development. This is a unique kind of tourism, one that showed people the magnificence of nature, and aimed to educate visitors to the importance of nature as the support of all life. Ecological tourism is therefore symbiotic with natural parks and natural monuments (Hartmut et al. 1993; Monaglio 1987). Thus, this is not an original concept of the postmodern era, but was coined and executed throughout the formation of the national parks of Argentina.

In Argentina, ecotourism is as old as Nahuel Huapi National Park, whose origin goes back to 1922. Like Bariloche, many other towns close or within natural preserves prosper without permanent damage to the local ecosystem because of the economic bonanza derived from the revenues yielded by the presence of the National Park.

San Carlos de Bariloche

As mentioned above, San Carlos de Bariloche was born as a byproduct of a commercial enterprise. When Karl Weiderhold erected a homestead in 1895 in what is now Bariloche, he and his partner, Fritz Hube, were to export wood products from Argentina to Europe via Chile. Later, in 1902, the Colonia Agricola de San Carlos in Bariloche was created.

The population of Bariloche grew rapidly until 1917 when the Chile-Argentina company ceased operations. Restriction of trade and intensified customs control made business unprofitable, resulting in an economic stagnation with the consequent lack of population growth in the area.

It was not until 1922, with the creation of the Commission Pro Nacional Parks, that further improvements were made. Railroads such as Ferrocariles del Sur contributed to the increased development although the line did not reach the city itself. It was not until 1934, when the second Commission Pro National Parks led by Exequiel Bustillo, that the rail tracks were extended to Bariloche. Then, communication with Buenos Aires was established in full and Nahuel Huapi and Bariloche were able to develop fully.

It was in this year that the National Park Service was instituted by Law No. 12,103/34. The first president of the Board of Directors was Exequiel Bustillo.

His administration and that of his successor, Napoleon Irusta, were focused on the structural development of the National Park Service for three basic purposes. First was the conservation of nature; second was the security of national sovereignty by creating settlements of stable populations; and third was obtaining economic self-sufficiency for local populations. These three points are the substance of the philosophy behind the ecotourism of the 1930's (Bustillo 1972: 281-285; Memorias 1935-1945).

This titanic task was accomplished by integrated management techniques and by problem-solving within various levels of the bureaucracy at the federal level. This linked private institutions with state projects and increased the participation of the legislation and the local population (Carley & Christie 1993; Oddone 1975). Integrated management was made possible by a cohesive team working full-time at full speed to accomplish the projects at hand. These National Park Service teams interacted with other public entities, such as the National School Council, National Highway Administration, Regional Hospital Commission, National Bank of Argentina, National Mortgage Bank, and many others. Two decades of intensive teamwork created a structure that still provides for the basic support (with some modifications) of the local population without creating major disturbances to the ecosystem (Berjman & Gutierrez 1988: 20-21; Morello 1986).

The city originally occupied an area of 28,000 ha of the 780,000 ha area of the national park. Then, when the city grew, it was granted municipal jurisdiction and thereafter had a local elected government (Memoria 1945). Of the 780,000 ha, 325,000 were designated areas of preservation. Another 162,000 ha were designed as zones of restrictive use (National Reserves Law 12,103/18,594). The final 53,000 ha were cover by the lake and the remaining made available placed for private uses. The area covered by the city of Bariloche and other small settlements was less than five percent of the total park area (Kaufmann 1970).

There was some opposition to the urbanization of Bariloche and the development of other areas within the park, although these areas were not significant compared with the total area of the park under conservation, especially considering the benefits they would provide with the safeguarding of the population and natural ecosystem. In contrast, others proposed a city developed around an industrial complex. This was planned in detail and consisted of a city on the Patagonian plateau, a railroad terminal, and an industrial complex at the shores of the Limay river. It would have included the formation of a new lake adjacent to Lake Nahuel Huapi (Bustillo 1971; Willis 1943). The end result was a compromise between preservationists and developers. Consequently, conservation policies were carried on.

A restrictive construction code was enforced. It asked for the construction of dwellings with materials locally obtained. The style had to correspond to the Alpine nature of the region. Stone and log-style homes were adopted with adaptation to local idiosyncracies (Bustillo 1971:202). The strict construction code attempted to recreate the atmosphere of a Swiss Alpine village. Other public works such as street paving, water treatment plants, civic centers, police stations, national park headquarters, banks, post offices, churches, hospitals and museums were constructed (Memoria 1935-1937).

Ample front lots landscaped with native species was the principal theme. Other than Bariloche few settlements were initiated within the park to facilitate the visitors' well-being during their stay. Among them are Villa Traful with 53 lots and Villa la Angostura with 82 lots. Their design consisted of a hotel surrounded by basic service facilities such as a park ranger's house/office, a school, a chapel, a grocery shop, and a post office (Berjman & Gutierrez 1988: 27-29; 1985).

The partition and sale of public lands for private ownership was carried out during the first ten years. The idea was to create some residential areas within the conservation units. So,large estates were erected within the untamed environment of the park. Later this policy was reversed, going so far as to confiscate private lands for public use (Bustillo 1971:282-283). At first, the conservation doctrine of land use was favored. Later, land was solely destined for preservation and use was severely limited.

The policy for tourism was based on hotel construction in key places throughout the region, emphasizing the creation of icons such as Hotel Llao-Llao. Hotel Llao-Llao was built with the latest technology and design to attract foreign elites. This important hotel would act as a center of gravity for tourism bringing smaller hotels to the area to serve people with less extensive resources. This state-owned hotel was turned over to the private sector for its operations. In doing this the state retained ownership while allowing the private sector to generate income. Private management also diminished possible corruption of commercial operations undertaken by the resorts.

In addition, congress allocated federal funding to the National Park Service which was allowed to lend these funds to private enterprises for the construction of tourist resorts. According to the National Park Service memoria of 1937, at least 12 hotels were built in the area of Nahuel Huapi.

The consolidation of the lake resources for appropriate economic use was accomplished under the premise of increasing visitors to the park. Lake moorings, marinas and docking areas were built and the construction of the Modesta Victoria took place during 1939-1945 (Bustillo 1971:318-319; 329). The Modesta Victoria was the first passenger ship to service lake Nahuel Huapi.

Sports were promoted to increase tourism. As with the ecotourism of today, trekking, sightseeing, bird watching, horseback riding, mountain climbing, skiing, and fishing were part of the recreational activities of the visitors (Bustillo 1971:330-359; Monaglio 1987).

Conclusion

This case provides insights into some of the roles of ecotourism and its basis in southern Argentina. Here, the concept of ecotourism was established by the need to develop communities in frontier areas while maintaining the natural capital. The city of Bariloche, Argentina is a concrete case of sustainable development achieved through committing socio-economic forces to generate a tourism industry in an exeptional and pristine area. Ecotourism contributed to the confirmation of the sovereign rights of Argentina over the border regions with Chile by stimulating the local migration to the national park. It also helped preserve the natural environment at Nahuel Huapi National Park by making nature itself the asset of the touristic enterprise. Ecotourism provided the citizens with a place and means of enjoying leisure time while immersing themselves in nature. It generated a permanent settlement around the national parks and contributed to the well-being of the local populations.

As I have shown, the concept and the operationalization of ecotourism was born in Argentina with the formation of the National Parks Service during the first year of the twentieth century. This counters the prevailing theory that ecotourism is a concept of the environmental movement of the postmodern era.

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Endnotes

. Adelantados were those entrepreneurs who ventured to the new world at their own expense and risk. The King of Spain granted them the title of Adelantado (the vanguard, the ones who go up front) which carried some privileges in the event that riches of some sort were discovered.

2. According to Onelli, Patagonia goes from the Colorado River to the Strait of Magellan.

. The arbitration was done by the English crown. The arbitrator was colonel Thomas Holdrich.

. Jorge Yemaiel is a retired Officer of the Armed Forces of Argentina. He served in Patagonia from 1950 to 1955. As commanding officer and judge, he witnessed on many occasions the behavior previously mentioned.

. It was later proven that the local stable population also increased as the influx of visitors to the park required a larger and more sophisticated infrastructure.

He was later handed by Araucanos to the Chilean authorities and sent back to Europe.

. One league equals five kilometers (1 l.= 5 km.) or 2,500 ha. This state covered an area of 150,000 ha.

. Homeostasis.

. The national parks and the communities associated with them were created prior to the legal formation of the provincial administrations. In the case of Nahuel Huapi, the National Park is located within the provinces of Neuquen and Rio Negro. San Carlos de Bariloche sits in the province of Neuquen.

. Parque Nacional del Sur was created by law.

. Angel Gallardo was the president of the Board of the National Parks Commission. He died in May 1934, and by decree 42-386 of 5/26/34 Exequiel Bustillo was designated the new president. Later when the National Park Service was institutionalized (10/09/34) he became the head of the it as well.

. This area of preservation is an intangible zone restricted from any human activity. Exceptions are made for scientific research.

. Bustillo and the Directorate's idea was to form a city characteristic of the Swiss Alps. Bariloche wanted it to resemble Europe with its native tastes. The main intent was to attract "first class" Europeans to the wilderness of Argentina (Bustillo 1971:132-133).

. January 8, 1938, was the inauguration of the first Hotel Llao-Llao which for many years brought profits of over 500,000 pesos per year. The hotel was totally burned on October 29, 1939 and was reconstructed and reinaugurated in November, 1940 (Bustillo 1971:157;175-177).

1997 Copyright Arthur Oyola-Yemaiel. The author is an PhD candidate at Florida International University in Miami and is a native of Argentina where he worked for the country's park service. He is also the co-author (with wife Jennifer Wilson) of Argentina Journal which appeared in the February 1998 issue of Planeta. You can reach the author via email at: aoyola01@fiu.edu.