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Maya Biosphere
Viewed optimistically, the future could bring conservation of the Maya Biosphere Reserve, Central America's largest remaining tropical forest and wetland. The Reserve, including buffer zones and core areas, equals the size of seven Yosemites, or an area just a little smaller than the state of Vermont . This conservation future would include new jobs and incomes for small, rural communities; a line of high quality "eco" tour products; increased sales and profits for Guatemalan tourism providers, from tour operators to cafes; and lots of tax revenues for the Guatemalan government.
The bright picture sounds nice, but it will not be easy _ competition is stiff. External market competition alone is tough enough: the focused green tourism of smart Costa Rica; the well known riches of the African safari; the spiritual mists of Macchu Picchu; and the expertly managed images of Mexico, Spain and any other country with the finesse to create a coherent international mystic.
But competition at home, in the Peten itself, is even tougher. Tourism in the Reserve must compete with an advancing agricultural frontier, slash and burn farming, oil exploration, population growth that will double the number of people by the year 2005 , and bureaucratic, inefficient, local and national governments. If left unchecked, these powerful forces could lead to another, not so bright, future of displaced forest communities without jobs and homes, increased poverty, a deforested landscape, plundered Maya sites and artifacts, and a struggling tourism industry dependent solely on the small patch of forest protecting Tikal. The latter, Mesoamerica's largest, excavated ancient Maya City, is probably the only bit of the Reserve that would survive this second future.
This chapter outlines some of the challenges facing healthy tourism growth in the Maya Biosphere Reserve, Peten, Guatemala and possible solutions. Two case studies are presented from the fieldwork of Conservation International's ProPeten project. The strategies offered seek a tourism industry characterized by high quality, diversified products, linked to a variety of cultural and natural attractions, and with a high degree of community participation and benefit. Well-developed tourism products should minimize ecological and social impact with the intrinsic purpose of protecting and conserving the very natural and cultural resources which attract tourists. We hope to see a bright future for tourism in the Peten, one that will protect the botanical and historical riches of the Maya Biosphere Reserve for generations of Guatemalans and tourists to come.
The rapid growth of tourism in Guatemala reflects a worldwide trend. Tourism is already the world's largest civil industry. Global employment in the tourism industry in 1995 reached $232 million and is expected to hit $250 million in the year 2000. Worldwide capital investment in tourism was $645 billion in 1995 with $828 billion predicted for 2000. While most of the tourism market is still concentrated in developed countries like the United States, France and Spain, the fastest growing segment is adventure and green tourism, or ecotourism. Every year, more and more people around the world decide to use their vacations as an opportunity to learn about and experience nature and other cultures, rather than just go to the beach.
Guatemala is one of the few countries uniquely situated to capitalize on this ecotourism trend. While most tourists in Guatemala are primarily attracted by its rich cultural variety, newly created protected areas like the Maya Biosphere Reserve offer an opportunity to attract nature oriented tourists, both the hitchhiking backpacker and the tour bus hiker.
Created in 1990, the Maya Biosphere Reserve is a prime ecotourist attraction. The Reserve encompasses over 2.1 million hectares of lush tropical rain forest, ancient Maya ruins, and rich wetlands. The animal and plant diversity is immense. The multi-colored waters of the western wetlands offer a paradise for the adventurous flyfisherman. The forest is home to jaguars, howler and spider monkeys, colorful toucans and hundreds of other bird species, all available for viewing by hardy trekkers. Aromatic canopy vines flower in the spring and medicinal plants with uses that date back to the ancient Maya are everywhere, just waiting for amateur ethnobotanists.
The Reserve is also one of the world's finest examples of how humans can live with and live off of the forest's riches, providing a unique anthropological learning experience for any tourist. Three major products - chicle - a tree resin used to make chewing gum in Japan, xate - a floral palm sold in flower markets across Europe and the USA, and allspice - the sweet condiment, are harvested from the wild forests of the Reserve and generate millions of dollars in export revenues . Thousands of men and woman enter the forest every year to harvest and process these products, which are then sold to warehouses and exporters for sale in floral and spice markets around the globe.
The Reserve already offers an important attraction for visitors interested in exploring the ancient Maya civilization - the ruins of the Maya city-state of Tikal. Tikal's temples and surrounding forest have been open to tourists since the University of Pennsylvania began extensive archaeological research and the site was declared a protected area in 1956. Since 1985 visitors to Tikal have increased 28.8% annually and 130,000 passed through the parks gates in 1996 alone . Thousands of unexcavated and "undiscovered" sites also dot the forest.
First, the overwhelming majority of tourists who come to the Peten visit only Tikal and then depart. While Tikal visitation has grown over the past ten years, most other tourist attractions in the region remain untouched. The second most popular attraction in the Peten, the Maya site of Ceibal, receives only 9% of the number of visitors to Tikal .
Most visitors to the Peten spend fewer than 48 hours in the region. Little time spent equals little money spent, and what money is spent is concentrated in the hands of Guatemala City or foreign-based tour operators and airlines. Most of the travelers who do stay in the region for more than two days are backpackers. These travelers are well known for the careful management of their budget and for staying in more basic facilities. But, despite their casual appearance, the longer time they spend in the region and their consumer habits have a strong benefit to the local economy, allowing a larger segment of the population to participate in providing goods and services. Many of the tourism ventures in the Peten that have appeared in the last 5 - 10 years are small family-run ventures that cater to these independent travelers.
Second, the short length of stay reflects a lack of alternative tourist attractions and products to Tikal in the Reserve. Certainly the Reserve holds many cultural and natural attractions, but they won't become marketable tourist products until identified, made accessible, staffed with well-trained guides, advertised, and linked via distribution and sales mechanisms to the market.
Third, the Reserve, and the Peten in general, lack a coherent and aggressive tourism management and promotion policy. The Guatemala Tourism Institute (INGUAT), the parastatal Guatemalan institution responsible for tourism promotion, has not yet fully recognized the cultural and natural potential of the Peten and made its sustainable development a priority. INGUAT has a centralized decision-making structure with little citizen participation and with head offices in Guatemala City, 500 kilometers away from the Peten. The National Council of Protected Areas (CONAP), which is responsible for Reserve management, has lacked the institutional strength and budgetary independence to emphasize tourism development for the Reserve.
Inefficient government regulation and management also play out on another level. The rapid growth of tourism in the Peten is not complemented by the necessary infrastructure. Today, the raw sewage of the 30-plus hotels in Flores and the central area drains untreated into Lake Peten Itza, and tourists and citizens alike stroll in the afternoons along the dusty, unpaved streets of Santa Elena.
Tikal National Park is already showing the effects of unplanned activity, taking its toll on the natural environment. Common problems associated with tourism in natural areas include trail compaction, disturbance of wildlife, and poor waste management. These problems are increased by the short-stay, mass tourism model discussed above, a process that ends up degrading both the site and the experience of the visitors and endangers the sustainability of the whole industry in the Peten. At the same time, most of the revenue generated by the tourism in Tikal remains in Guatemala City, and little is reinvested in the protection and conservation of the resources it depends on.
Fourth, political change, the recent signing of the peace accords, a growing population, and demand for land have created conflicts and invasions of the Reserve's boundaries. Some aggressive and creative tour operators have made inroads developing and packaging alternative tourism products to Tikal, some in partnership with local communities, but their work is difficult in a conflictive environment with little national government will to protect Reserve boundaries. Security for tourists has become a problem, and unfortunate events, such as the 1997 rape of five American college women in Southern Guatemala, make the front pages of most American newspapers, causing Guatemala-bound tourists to immediately change their plans.
Finally, competition from other green destinations, such as Costa Rica and Ecuador, is stiff. These destinations offer high quality products implemented by well-trained staff with years of experience catering to the needs of the ecotourist. In order to face this competition, tourism in the Peten must be supported with market information and substantial training in tourism services and business management.
The goal of tourism development in the Peten should be to build an industry that offers high-quality, diversified attractions and products, with high levels of community participation and benefit, and that promotes low impact use and protection of the natural and cultural resources of the Maya Biosphere Reserve. More specifically, tourism development should include the following:
Ï diversification of tourism products and markets Ï fairer distribution of economic benefits, particularly to small rural communities Ï increased quality standards Ï improved management policies Ï increased tourism revenues to all players
These objectives can be achieved with criteria that include:
Ï sound business management Ï commitment to open dialogue and cooperation across sectors Ï participatory strategy development and decision-making Ï training and access to information
In order to contribute to the development of low impact tourism and achieve the objectives defined above, we propose these five steps:
1. Identify tourist attractions. "Attractions" in the context of the MBR are defined as interesting natural and/or cultural phenomena. Attractions can certainly be created, such as Disneyworld and the Eiffel tour, but in the context of promoting nature-based tourism, natural attractions must be identified. Many of these are already known _ unexcavated Maya ruins, abundant wildlife, lakes, rivers and streams, local communities with traditions of living from the forest. 2. Develop tourist products around these attractions. Attractions become real when they are staffed, guided, marketed, and sold. Packaging tourist attractions is just like developing any other business opportunity. Products must meet market demand and expectations and be profitable. In addition, products should emphasize community participation and seek to distribute economic benefits to those who most need them. 3. Set industry standards. Tourism products based on natural and cultural attractions survive only as long as their attractions survive. Maya temples ruined by the feet of millions of tourist become dangerous, forests trampled by uncontrolled hikers become devoid of wildlife and polluted, and quaint villages lined with stalls hawking plastic reproductions of monkeys are not so quaint. 4. Position, promote, and market. Tourists won't come unless they know about the available attractions. Strong industry growth and the aggressive national tourism strategies of competitor countries require that tourism promotion and positioning of the Peten be a responsibility shared both by local community guides and the Guatemalan government. The guides have the responsibility to provide a high-quality unique experience, and the government has the responsibility to invest in marketing and promotional strategies that differentiate the Peten in a crowded and competitive market. 5. Build coalitions and industry cooperation. Organized and articulate tourism industry players can more effectively seek to pressure national policies and actions, such as improved security, attract much needed investment, and establish common standards and guidelines that support quality. It is in the interest of all players - from communities, to government, to the private sector - to seek solutions to common problems.
A focus of ProPeten's work in the Maya Biosphere Reserve project, since its inception in 1991, has been to develop economic alternatives for small communities living in the Reserve. ProPeten is a non-governmental organization that operates with a staff of 70, more than 90% of whom are local Peteneros. Funding comes from donations from the US Agency for International Development (the key donor in the MBR Project), USA and Canadian based foundations, individual donors, and corporations.
In 1996, based on an analysis similar to that outlined above, ProPeten's tourism team reevaluated and reformulated its tourism development strategy. As a result, ProPeten staff determined that effective tourism development had to occur more effectively and quickly at the community level with an emphasis on sound business decision-making and local markets. In addition, ProPeten and its community partners needed to start working at the regional industry level in order to leverage their impact and bring change more rapidly. The two case studies below outline the strategies implemented in order to achieve these goals.
Case Study 1: Community-based ecotourism marketing _ a local level strategy
At the beginning of the Maya Biosphere Project, ecotourism was hailed as one of the most viable alternatives for communities living in the Reserve, given the potential for nature-based tourism and strong industry growth. For many communities and NGOs working in the Reserve, including CI, the plan was to organize tourism routes and develop tourism infrastructure, such as campgrounds, lookout towers, and other simple facilities that could receive tourists. Such facilities, it was believed, would attract tourists and provide local communities with jobs and income, thereby diminishing pressure on the Reserve. As enthusiasm grew, many small communities received donations from local and international NGOs to build tourism infrastructure and, by early 1996, almost every major village in the Reserve had its own eco-camp and Ecotourism Committee.
However, by the end of 1996, it became increasingly apparent that something was not working. Even though tourism in Guatemala had continued to increase, and Tikal reached a record-breaking 130,000 visitors, very few tourists came to stay in the new eco-camps. What was wrong? Thousands of dollars had been spent building the facilities and organizing community members into tourism committees, but nothing was happening.
The answer was embarrassingly simple: little investment had been made in two critical aspects of a tourism business - marketing and management. Infrastructure is an important piece in the tourism business puzzle. However, as with any investment in fixed assets for any business, infrastructure decisions must be based on an integrated product that includes marketing, sales, distribution channels, and management.
The tourism committees sat isolated from a bustling network of tour operators, travel agencies, taxi and minibus drivers, guides and hotel clerks who were key in getting tourists out to the community sites. Sometimes, this potentially lucrative market passed right by a community-built rest stop or eco-camp, but the tourism committees lacked the basic skills to figure out how to establish competitive prices and negotiate deals with operators in order get the tourists off the bus and into their facility.
ProPeten's own initiatives suffered from these problems. As a possible solution, in late 1996, the Tourism Committees of Cruce Dos Aguadas and Centro Campesino reached an agreement with ProPeten to share the costs of a simple marketing scheme that would establish sales channels in the local market for the communities' tours. Representatives of the committees would receive training from ProPeten to become "ecotourism promoters." These promoters would travel to the region's main tourist district to sell their tours directly to clients and via local tourism agencies. The target clients were backpackers and other independent travelers already in the area.
In the case of Centro Campesino and Cruce Dos Aguadas, previous marketing efforts had focused on the international market. The decision to prioritize entry into the local market was based on two reasons. First, a marketing strategy that includes outbound operators and country of origin sales takes at least two years to show some results. Products targeted to this market have long development lead times and clients demand top quality trips. Most tourism committee's operating in the Reserve cannot afford to wait that long and do not yet have a product that meets international quality standards.
Second, most of the high price tag for these tours remains in the country of origin. The adventure tours operated by the communities need to be complemented by other services that high-paying clients expect, such as bilingual guides and imported food. Since the communities cannot yet provide these special services, other intermediaries and the origin-country operator absorb all of the profit on their sale. At their current stage of development, the communities would make the same amount of profit per product by selling locally.
To counter these challenges, ProPeten/CI initiated a new marketing strategy. The first step was providing access to information, specifically a short course in understanding the global distribution network that brings tourists to a specific place. The entire tourism chain was presented - from the travel agent in the country of origin, to the wholesalers, to the outbound and inbound operators, to the final on-site service providers. The course was essential for community promoters to understand the challenges in getting tourists to their door. They realized that simply having a good eco-camp was not enough to penetrate the complex market.
The second step in the new strategy focused on redesigning the five-day tours that had been developed for the international market into two or three-day tours that were more appropriate for low budget travelers. The basic itineraries were kept, but the shorter tours spent more time in a single area. In some cases, five-day tours were divided into two new routes. New tours also were created around existing infrastructure, allowing tourists to spend more nights in the facilities, as there was more to see in the surrounding area. In total, nine variations for the local market, with competitive pricing, were created out of three original international tours.
The third step was to develop a distribution system for the nine tours in the local market. The community committees set up a base of operations at an information center in the heart of the region's capital, Flores. The promoters visited 40 tour agencies, operators, hotels, and other information centers in the area and distributed promotional brochures and flyers. In addition, they negotiated a 10% commission with each point of sale for every tour sold.
Finally, the communities agreed on a weekly sales system. A promoter from one of the communities travels to Flores to organize the tours each week. He collects a client list and payment from each point of sale, sells directly to walk-ins at the base of operations, organizes transportation and food, and sees off the tourists on the designated departure date. Guides, who are notified via radio, greet the arriving tourists in each community. Twice a month, the promoter presents a slide-show and lecture on the tours to the students of a local Spanish-language school and on selected dates to tourism and archaeology students at the regional university.
The costs for the marketing strategy are shared between the two, committees and CI. In addition to overall technical assistance, CI provides support for the promoters traveling expenses. The committees pay a stipend to support the promoter's family during the week that he is away. In addition, the Committees and CI split the costs incurred by the promoter during their weeklong stay. After six months, and improved sales, CI lowered its contribution by 50%. As of January, 1998, CI ceased providing any subsidy to the plan.
The changes brought about by this local market approach have been spectacular. After only six months, the 6 tourists who visited the routes in January 1997 turned into 41 in June 1997 and 64 in July 1997. In the month of February 1997 , the Committee of Cruce Dos Aguadas sold more tours than they had in the entire year of 1996. By the end of 1997, the Committees showed an overall increase of 600% in sales over the previous year.
The lesson learned for community-based ecotourism planners is clear: tourism products and investment in infrastructure must be decided as they are in any business. Just building places for people to sleep and visit is not enough. The infrastructure must be part of an integrated business plan that includes an understanding of the market, clearly selected target clients, a well constructed sales distribution strategy, sound management, and good quality. Another key point is to use the distribution systems and markets that already exist locally. Finally, the complete involvement and training of community members in the management (and running the risk) of the business establishes a responsible relationship that limits unrealistic expectations and discourages paternalism.
Case Study 2: Alianza Verde _ an industry level strategy
Along with a reformulation of its community-based tourism work, ProPeten/CI also recognized that change at the industry level needed to happen. The threats facing the forest and its inhabitants are too great and the time too limited for small community projects to achieve the levels of success required. Space for community participation had to be leveraged through industry change. This made strategic sense not just as a conservation strategy, but also as a business strategy for community tourism enterprises. The aggregate industry is responsible for promoting Guatemala as a destination, providing tourist flow upon which community based enterprises depend for their clients. ProPeten, with its strong community presence and the support brought by an expert international tourism staff in CI's home office in Washington, D.C., was in a unique position to help facilitate an industry wide initiative.
Following a request from CONAP in 1996, ProPeten proposed an initiative to establish a process that would produce a policy for the management of tourism in the Maya Biosphere Reserve. Rather than work with a lawyer in Guatemala City, the usual method for policy development in Guatemala, ProPeten proposed a participatory process that would involve all sectors concerned with tourism in the MBR. These stakeholders included representatives of the local office of the Guatemala Chamber of Tourism (CAMTUR), the Peten Guide Association, the Peten Governor's Office, CONAP, INGUAT, the Peten Artisan's Association, ecotourism committees from several communities, NGOs with tourism initiatives (ProPeten and CARE), municipal governments, and the local university.
The initiative, called Alianza Verde, proposed, through cooperative action, to attack the barriers that block tourism as a tool for conservation and sustainable development of the region. Alianza Verde proposed basic management guidelines that would support the development of competitive ecotourism ventures with an emphasis on community participation and benefit, and high quality standards.
Alianza Verde, with the organizational support of ProPeten and with technical support from CI-Washington based Ecotourism Program, held five workshops in 1997 that produced the following results:
1. A tourism management policy for the MBR, presented to CONAP in a public forum in January 1998. The policy is based on a multi-sector diagnosis and dialogue and includes principles, guidelines, and actions developed through consensus. 2. A code of best practices for different tourism activities and products designed to promote high quality, developed by key private sector players in the Peten tourism industry. 3. The creation of a multi-institutional Association advocating sustainable tourism development in the Peten. 4. The training of 35 community, local government, and university members in the nuts and bolts of developing and implementing a tourism product.
Probably the most important achievement of Alianza Verde is that the participants have begun implementing actions themselves. The inefficiency of the state's ability to implement well-developed policies is recognized by all sectors. The very development of the official tourism policy for the MBR allowed for cooperation and coordination among individuals and sectors that can continue without state involvement.
The general agreement among the participants establishes a precedent for cooperation between sectors that have been traditionally in conflict, blaming each other for the problems faced by tourism in the region. Alianza Verde also has provided an environment of constructive enthusiasm for the participation of civil society in the planning and use of natural and cultural resources. This type of interaction is relatively unheard of in the history of the Peten and is an important step in solidifying the emerging peace process and democratic structures.
Alianza Verde has taken on a life of its own, beyond ProPeten's programmatic goals. The group has formally become an institution - called Alianza Verde - with the legal structure to manage and implement projects on behalf of ecotourism development in the Peten. This new independent organization and management structure allows Alianza Verde to serve as a long term voice for sustainable tourism development in the Peten, a source of training and information for local communities and the private sector, and a promoter of the Peten in the international market.
Tourism, if thoughtfully managed, can support the democratic and equity goals of the Guatemalan peace accords, offer a stream of revenues for the whole country's benefit, and provide jobs and income. The responsibility for successful tourism management lies not only with government agencies, but also with the private sector, communities, and NGOs. The future is just around the corner: foreign investors seeking the next Costa Rica are looking at the Peten, tourists are more interested in visiting a peaceful Guatemala, and communities are seeking a more equitable role in the nation's economy. Clear objectives and focused criteria can help decision-makers do what is right for the long-term benefit of future generations.
The article is excerpted from the soon-to-be-published 13 Ways of Looking at a Tropical Forest. Sharon Flynn was the Director of the Enterprise Development Program for Conservation International - Guatemala. She be contacted at saflynn@hotmail.com. Juan Carlos Bonilla is the Director of Ecomaya, a Guatemala-based marketing company owned by community-based businesses in Maya Biosphere Reserve dedicated to the promotion and sales of ecotourism and sustainably harvested reainforest products. Mr. Bonilla was also in charge of the Ecotourism Program at Conservation International's Propeten office. He can be contacted at ecomaya@guate.net.
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